|
| ||||||||||||||||||||||||
Communist Party Veteran Call for Ditching Marxism-Leninism Source: RFA Comweb Washington, D.C. - All this week the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) has been meeting in Hanoi to decide the future direction of the country. In this connection Radio Free Asia (RFA) has obtained a copy of three essays contributed to the Central Committee by Pham Ngoc Uyen, 77, who has been with the CPV since the age of 14 and is now a retired veteran living in Hanoi. In a telephone interview granted to Viet Long of RFA’s Vietnamese service on January 10, Uyen acknowledged that he is author of the three essays. He wrote them, he said, in the hope of helping to remove Vietnam from its current rut. In his essays, Pham Ngoc Uyen responds to the Party’s invitation to comment on the draft political platform being considered by the Central Committee. In the first one, he says that the draft is much too long and too vague on several crucial issues. For instance, in assessing the present, the platform stops at the 1960 Conference of 81 Communist Parties, ignoring the fall of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union as well as such universal trends as globalization and the knowledge economy. The platform also eulogizes socialism without describing what it is that it is praising. And when it mentions the collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, it says that it is only “a temporary crisis” without further comment. Uyen also says that despite praising the Doimoi (“Renovation”) policy-adopted by Vietnam in 1986-the Platform fails to emphasize the policy ’s essential features, which amounts to a rejection of the classical Marxist-Leninist model long followed by Vietnam. In his second essay, Uyen says that all ideologies, including Marxism-Leninism, are only the means to an end. The end for Vietnam must be happiness, progress, democracy and justice for all -- including the overseas Vietnamese. He then proceeds to give a scientific demonstration of how Marx went wrong because he could not have foreseen the future, including such things as the transformation of capitalism in the twentieth century and the information age. The history of ideas, the author continues, shows that to take root in a new land all ancient religions or ideologies have to adapt themselves to the characteristics of the new territory. So it was with Marxism-Leninism when it came to Vietnam: it was Ho Chi Minh who grafted it onto the tradition of anti-foreigner resistance of Vietnam. Now that that phase is over, the author suggests, we should say: “Marxism-Leninism is dead, long live Marxism-Leninism!” and let it die a natural death. In the third essay, Uyen tries to outline Vietnam’s future. While it is always risky to peer into the future, he says, Vietnam must become a civil society with people having “the right to think differently.” The future Vietnam must also be a society governed by the rule of law. To refuse the rule of law is merely to perpetuate high-level corruption and undeserved privileges. Objections raised by the Communist Party that given too much democracy and freedom, the country would end in chaos, are in fact antiquated. Like “water, fire, robbery and war,” something may be dangerous but one can always tame them. One cannot say that because fire burns one should not use it. As for democracy, “hundreds of ‘burning spots’ all over the country, from the capital to the farthest reaches of the land, in the past as well as at the present time, all are pointing to the fact that democracy is a crying need of the entire population. There can be no political stability without real democratization of every facet of the country’s life.” Radio
Free Asia The
Silent Treatment from Hanoi
Washington,
DC - Radio Free Asia (RFA) has obtained from Vietnam a copy of the
latest letter sent by five prominent dissidents to the National
Assembly of Vietnam (SRV) lamenting its unresponsiveness to their
concerns.
The letter was dated December 9, 2000, to coincide with
the current session of the Assembly, but nothing came of it. After
identifying the topic as the “Violation of the human rights of Dr.
Ha Si Phu,” the letter gives a rundown of the harassment and
abridgement of rights suffered by one of the most distinguished
dissidents in the country. For instance, on April 28, 2000, the
police came to Ha Si Phu’s home in Dalat and took away his
computer. On May 12, he was instructed not to leave his home and to
report daily to the police for interrogation. At the same time a
decision charged him with the crime of “treasonable activities
towards the Fatherland,” which carries a maximum penalty of death.
As early as May 19, the five authors had sent a collective letter to
the National Assembly protesting the above treatment. What happened?
The letter continues: “Silence! “Dr. Ha Si Phu kept on being
mistreated.
After 106 days without receiving an answer to our
original letter, on September 2, 2000, we sent a second letter, in
which we quoted fundamental articles from the SRV Constitution and
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights... asking that the
National Assembly act on them. “More silence! On
|
Opposition Party? Washington, D.C. – Radio Free Asia (RFA) has obtained a copy of the application letter sent by a Vietnamese reporter to the highest authorities of Vietnam seeking permission to form an opposition party. What is unusual about this application is that it comes from a well-known reporter for the Journal of Communism, the main theoretical journal of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV). Dated September 2, 2000—the fifty-fifth anniversary of Ho Chi Minh's Declaration of Independence on behalf of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam—the letter is signed by Nguyen Vu Binh and was sent to Tran Duc Luong, president, and Nong Duc Manh, chairman, of the National Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. The content of the letter reads as follows: "My name is Nguyen Vu Binh, reporter of Tapchi Congsan ("Journal of Communism"), and I reside at Number 26, Cell 67b, Vinh Tuy Neighborhood, Hai Ba Trung Ward, Hanoi. "After having studied and researched the situation of our country for quite some time, I realize that Vietnam is facing a comprehensive crisis covering the economy, politics and the society.…In my understanding, the time is not far when we will be witnessing a huge transformation in our nation's history, and it will be nothing less than a transformation of our societal regime. It, therefore, becomes an urgent necessity for our society to have an opposition as represented by a political party so as to minimize the suffering that our people must bear in the process of transformation. It is on the basis of such an understanding that I make myself bold to send in this application. I propose and respectfully hope that you, in the name of our country and for the interest of our nation, would allow me to form a party called the Liberal Democratic Party." Radio Free Asia Vietnam Update #35 Wednesday, February 28, 2001
ETHNIC MINORITY ATTACK ON VIETNAMESE SETTLERS IN CENTRAL HIGHLANDS Washington, DC-- Sources from inside Vietnam told Radio Free Asia (RFA) of a surprise attack on a Vietnamese settlement by some 15% members of the Ede ethnic minority who have lived in the central highlands for centuries. The Ede are one of the many minorities who have seen
their ancestral habitats encroached upon by ethnic Vietnamese moved
in by the Hanoi government.
According to RFA sources, the attack at
9:30 a.m. on August 8 came out of nowhere. A government cadre of
about 15 men were coming from the district of Ea H’leo to visit
Hamlet 8 of Ea Hiao Village in Buonmathuot Province. Upon their
arrival, they found themselves surrounded and attacked by about 15%
Ede. The attackers were armed with rifles, grenades and an
assortment of primitive weapons including crossbows, machetes and
sticks. The Ede seriously wounded the chief police officers from Ea
H’leo District and from Ea Hiao Village in addition to two others.
Following the attack of the cadre, the Ede then set fire to the
houses of the hamlet and deputy hamlet chiefs and burned down eight
other houses. The rest of the hamlet population, mostly Vietnamese
settlers from North Vietnam, had to flee into the fields and
neighboring villages.
According to a report in Lao Dong
("Labor") newspaper, the attackers came from Sech, a
location 120 kilometers away where they had been resettled by the
Hanoi government, in Dlei Yang village. This is report has been
questioned since it would have taken the attackers several days to
reach Hamlet 8.
Two task forces have reportedly been sent to Sech
and Hamlet 8 to look into the incident and calm the distraught
settlers. The government claims that the Vietnamese settlers
came of their own free will -- the so-called "free migration"
movement from the Red River delta into the Central Highlands. At the same
time the government concedes, according to the Lao Dong article, that
"the building of ‘free migration’ projects" leaves much to be
desired and needs to be solved "on an extremely urgent basis in Daclac
Province at the present time." Ever since the communist takeover of
South Vietnam in April 1975, the government in Hanoi has encouraged the
majority population of Vietnamese to resettle in the Central Highlands in
what was called "New Economic Zones" (NEZs). This push has
encroached into the territory that the many ethnic minorities considered the
traditional habitat of their ancestors.
The Ede practice slash-and-burn
agriculture and hold their land communally. This encroachment has caused
extensive damage to the forest cover of Vietnam which has been reduced from
75% in 1975 down to about 30% at the present time-causing many ravaging
floods in recent years.
The encroachment has also reduced the natural
habitat of elephants, reducing them from a herd of some 1,500-2,000 in the
early 1990’s to what is estimated to be no more than 100-15%. In the last
year, the normally peaceful elephants have run amok and killed seven people
in several villages. Radio Free Asia
FRUSTRATED
PEASANTS TAKE DISTRICT CHIEF HOSTAGE
Washington, DC -
Radio Free Asia (RFA) has obtained an internal Communist Party document
detailing the unprecedented seizure by villagers of a district party office
in northern Vietnam. The rebellious demonstrators held two party officials
hostage for five days.
The villagers came from Hongthuan, a suburb of Namdinh, the third largest city in northern Vietnam. According to the document,
the situation began with the April 28th local election in Hongthuan. This
was one of the experimental elections at the local level in which the
Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) attempted not to interfere.
The CPV was not
happy with the results of the election and the provincial Party apparatus
decided to replace the elected officials with a different set of leaders.
Initially, the local people of Hongthuan protested the interference by
higher authorities and petitioned them to reverse their decision.
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||
|
November 14, 2000, the opening day of the eighth session of this Legislature, we sent a third letter asking for the same. To this day there is still no response!” The letter compares today’s Vietnam with colonialist France: “In 1919, Nguyen Ai Quoc [later known as Ho Chi Minh] sent a letter to the French government in Paris asking for freedom for his country. He was subsequently received by the colonialists and at least got a response. Nowadays, our Party and Government are wont to say that ‘the cadres are the servants of the people.’ For democracy means just that, the people being the masters. Is that how servants should treat their masters now? Or were those simply words to cheat the people?” “Afraid that you were too busy to remember the [provisions of the] Constitution and our laws,” the letter continues, “we were careful to quote all the applicable articles of both the Constitution and of the Law dealing with complaints in order to prove the illegality of actions taken by the public security force of Lamdong Province in regard to Dr. Ha Si Phu. Again you failed to respond! It may be that you think the public security people of Lam Dong were in their right [...] in that case why don’t you propose that Dr. Ha Si Phu be brought to an open trial-just as in a civilized country?... Let us not play the game of silence... silence... silence forever!” The letter was signed by: Mr. Hoang Minh Chinh, former Secretary General, Democratic Party of Vietnam Mr. Pham Que Duong, journalist, Colonel, VPA (Vietnam People’s Army) Dr. Nguyen Thanh Giang, Academician, Doctor of Geology Mr. Hoang Tien, writer Mr. Tran Dung Tien, worker, VPA veteran Each name was followed by a telephone number in Hanoi together with a full address. It was addressed to Mr. Nong Duc Manh, Chairman of the National Assembly of Vietnam, to members of the Assembly and to the press.
Radio Free
Asia Books and Videos on Vietnam
|
|
VIETNAM
UPDATE
Washington, DC – In Vietnam, a veteran editor has condemned the government’s banning of a popular novel as “a ‘literary execution’ order, which is even more dangerous than an actual execution of a man in the flesh.” Radio Free Asia (RFA) has obtained the full text of editor Chu Thanh’s letter of protest to Vietnamese President Tran Duc Luong.
The
book chronicles the author’s life in various prisons in North
Vietnam from 1968 – 1973. Radio
Free Asia |
|