The role of Mandarin

The case of "ban"

Examples on Sintic Vietnamese lexicons

Vietnamese       Chinese
What Makes Chinese so Vietnamese?

An Introduction to Sinitic-Vietnamese Studies

(Ýthức mới về nguồngốc tiếngViệt)

DRAFT

Table of Contents

dchph

Chapter IV [continued]

Sound changes from Chinese to Sintitic-Vietnamese words, in effect, have been basically an on-going process and they are triggered to occur whenever there is a need of new words for practical use in real time, as opposed to borrowing English vocabularies in many world's languages. For example, during the 22 years of wartime separation from the South (between 1954-1976) people in South Vietnam just picked up less than a dozen American Englis words brough in by US soldiers, those Northerners continued to borrow dialectal words from Cantonese dialect brought in by Chinese 'advisors' probably from China's Guangxi southernmost linguistic pocket called 'Báihuà' (白話) 'vernacular speech', for words such as food items, say, 'vằnthánh' 餛飩 húndùn (wonton), 'xuỷcảo' 水餃 shuǐjiăo (dumpling), or 'mìchính' 味精 wèijīng (MSG), while all of their equivalents had long existed in the South in other forms as 'hoànhthánh', 'xôinước', or SV 'vịtinh', respectively. The 1979's border war that caused anti-Chinese sentiments with policy of expulsion of Chinese ethic minority groups did not stop the inflow of contemporary words into the Sinitic-Vietnamese stock. As a matter of fact, that has happened since the past. Aside from 'eating' items as cited, in a similar circumstance Chinese loans likely took place at the 'literary' circle and in literature. Generally, many 'academic words' are in common usage by people of all walks of life that have been likely first used and popularized by scholars in literary or poetry clubs. Many of those words originated from Sino-Vietnamese that are carry pronunciation of Middle Chinese or Tang's articulation, then later localized with a choice of poetically-styled Sinitic-Vietnamese words that conveysubtle modification in meanings, for instance, 'bângkhuâng' 彷徨 pánghuáng (melancholy), 'ngỡngàng' 驚愕 jīng'é (stupefied), or 'bỡngỡ' 彆扭 biènǐu (feel ill at ease), etc.

Many modern Sinitic-Vietnamese words actively used in daily activities could have been first spoken by scholars, official mandarins, Chinese soldiers and immigrants as husbands who pass them to their local wives and their children (see King. 1969). In our time, similar circumstances could be found as in the case of Vietnamese brides, numbered in tens of thousands for the last 30 years, who have married Taiwanese husbands and picked up their spouse's language.

Additionally, new Chinese loanwords have also sneaked into the Vietnamese stock largely from modern Chinese TV dramma series, such as,

• 保重 băozhòng ~ SV 'bảotrọng' (take care),
• 帥哥 shuàigē~ SV 'soáica' (handsome man),
• 美男 měinán ~ SV 'mỹnam' (handsome man),
• 示範 shìfàn ~ SV 'thịphạm' (demonstration),
• 道具 dàojù ~ SV 'đạocụ' (stage props), etc.

As a matter of fact, the presence of so many Sino-Vietnamese words in daily common usage implicates that Mandarin could possibly once be popular lingua franca during the colonial time under the Chinese rule for hundreds of years and its vernacular speech had become colloquial and distanced itself from the scholarly usage since the country's independence. Academically, after some time Sino-Vietnamese sounds are incorporated into Nôm writing following strict phonological rules for those formal and scholarly words, the same forms would later appear in spoken forms as well. It is so mentioned because that has been the process that the literati had first "released" the Sino-Vietnamese forms and then later they were popularized by the mass to make them Sinitic-Vietnamese words to be used in daily conversationas what happened in the past, e.g., 'vuachúa' 主王 zhǔwáng (monarch), 'ôngchủ' 主公 zhǔgōng (master), 'đitiền' 隨錢 suíqián (give the money gift), 示範 shìfàn (VS thửlàm), etc., as opposed to and demonstrated by the modern terms that are currently being in use among other scholarly words — e.g., 'quânvương' 君王 jūnwáng (king), 'sínhlễ' 聘禮 pǐnlǐ (marital betroth). Let us take some modern forms for examples, , 示範 shìfàn ~ SV 'thịphạm' (demonstration), SV 'cườngđiệu' 強調 qiángdiào (emphasize), VS 'phấnkhởi' 奮激 fènjī SV 'phấnkích' (inspiring and exciting), 'khủng' < 'khủngkiếp' 驚恐 jīngkǒng (SV 'kinhkhủng), etc. Vocabularies for the common mass are Sinitic-Vietnamese and many are cited in this survey.

For those newly coined items, like many variant loans since the ancient times, are sole Vietnamese innovation from the Chinese material. Many a time they were results of vernacular usages of scholarly words or new forms locally made, which evolved from the same process and practice of how those modern terms in Japanese — that have been of a greater number in droves that what appears in Vietnamse — have been created and written in its own version of Chinese characters. As a matter of fact, contemporary Sintitic Vietnamese words were made by the mass with newly loaned words for certain of new concepts originally from Chinese vocabularies. They might become popular and put the official use, i.e., in news media or literary work, once the public settled and adopted the most widely accepted replacements that have been created as needs arise as we have seen them in action in new modern computerese such as

• 'kíchhoạt' 擊活 jīhuó (mouse click) vs. 'bấmchuột' 按鼠 ànshǔ,
• 'máyđiệntoán' 電算機 diànsuànjī (personal computer) vs. 'máyvitính' 薇算機 wēisuànjī),
• 'truycập' 追及 zhuījí (search) vs. 'tìmkiếm' 搜索 sòusuǒ, etc.

So in certain cases, with locally-made Chinese words, a literate Chinese person may not fully comprehend both spoken and written Chinese-Vietnamese forms as such. In the past the Chinese academics tended to loan back conceptually-westernized words created by the Japanese scholars, but never from Vietnamese-Chinese, while in the need to eliminate illiteracy among the poor and peasants, the Chinese had gone to the extrmemity by adapting the varnacular style into the writen literary language at the present time, albeit the Vietnamese remain the only ones who are still able to compose Tang's rythmatically matrix-styled poems but in their new Romanized orthography at no less that of a higher literary extent, like their forefather scholars of the past. The academic level stops there though.

In our contemporary era, fairly speaking, for those Chinese classical style 'wenyanwen' (文言文), such as what it appears in the writings of 'Analects' (論語), 'Annals of the Three Kingdoms' (三國誌), and the likes, they hold a good command on highly concise, if not condensed, forms, yet resulted in somewhat ambiguous interpretation due to their compact clausal structure, which has left untrained Vietnamese philologists puzzled with formidable obstacles in understanding ancient Chinese texts. The works, however, hold some pronunciation keys to archaic native Vietnamese etyma before and after the Chinese. For example, what were the exact sound value of the Vietnamese ancestral forms of 'lạc' (雒), 'hùng' (雄), 'hồng' (鴻) of King 'Hồngbàng', 'Hùngvương', 'Lạcvương' of which the three transcriptions, Middle Chinese sounds anyway, for a proper name might have been mis-copied, or let us take 'lúa' 來 (paddy) vs. 'gạo' 稻 (rice), and 'cơm' 餐 (meal) vs. 'bữa' 飯 (cooked rice), etc., of which the first two words appear to originate from different roots and the latter two to have switched semantic roles and evolved into two different concepts in Vietnamese. Their archaic forms could be found in Old Chinese rhyming books and dialectal sound, cf., 飯 Hainanese /buj/vs. VS 'buổi' (period of time during the day). Now that their roots are mainly recognized through those transcribed and annotated Chinese texts only in modern romanized Vietnamese orthography or Quốcngữ (國語) that are limited in scopte for historical linguistics, the local Vietnamese philologists could not, as a result, relate their ancient sound and semantics to pinpoint the correlation among those three forms, 'buj' vs. 'bữa' vs. 'buổi' (see more below). Fairly speaking, while average native Chinese readers still encounter problems in understanding the scholarly 'wenyanwen' of the learned, they can understand writings in vernacular-styled (白話 baihua) Chinese novels written in the 16th century during the Ming Dynasty. Interestingly, they share same experience with average readers in Vietnamese as well; for the same classical work, such as 'Romance of the Three Kingdoms' (三國演義), 'Dreams of the Red Chamber' (紅樓夢), or Hongkong's Kongfu novels by the late Jin Yong (金庸), each line of them could be matched nearly word by word in Vietnamese translation.

Historically vocabularies in each respective language also might have evolved in its own way independently after Chinese loanwords found their way into the recipient Vietnamese language. Any new development for any particular items in the donor source, if any, could be re-introduced in new forms, e.g, 'giỏi' vs. 'tài' 才 cái (talent), or 'lam' vs. 'chàm' for 藍 lán (indigo), etc.

Historically, long after the country gained independence after hundreds of years under the Chinese domination, Vietnamese scholars still have spent more time to study Confucius works and joined forces in the late Sino-Vietnamese literature as they mostly composed them in Chinese classical style. While not every local author left from the old school, i.e., Confucianism, nevertheless, could imitate a thing or two from the literary work by Nguyễn Du's — the most renown mandarin and scholar poet as commonly complimented as Shakepeare of Vietnam — word choices in their composition would later grow into other linguistic elements in extended meanings of extant words that later accompanied with generative grammar under the influence of French grammatical models that has gradually transformed Vietnamese sentence structure into building blocks that help the growth of modern Vietnamese style that departs greatly from the older roundabout composition in both speech and writing.

It is important to note that, academically, in ancient times in both China and Vietnam there were not so many people who could afford formal schooling except for some affluent or outstanding individuals and only a few would later become notable scholars as we know of through their remaining work. For average educated persons, say, village teachers or govermental civil servants, it was they who had the most influence, linguistically, on the common mass through their social contacts and interaction. Consequently Chinese to Sinitic-Vietnamese sound changes at times appear irregular and haphazard, partly due to incompetency and poor performance on the majority of the illiterate populace who tried to imitate effortfully the 'language of the intellect class', especially children of Chinese immigrants and native mothers (See King, 1969). For such reason the overall illiterate populace played a decisive role in spreading mispronunciation of Chinese loanwords in communication in daily life. In short, people from those two classes of unequal literacy levels had undoubtedly contributed on their parts to the shaping the ultimate Sinitic-Vietnamese lexical forms throughout the Vietnamese linguistic development.

In our modern time, comparatively, let us consider cases of penetration of French words into the Vietnamese vocabulary amounting to a little more than 400 rarely-used terms during the period of approximately one hundred years of French colonialization of Vietnam that ended in 1954 (see Cao Xuân Hạo. 2001). In effect, French words entering the Vietnamese language were further groomed and seasoned to suit the taste of the locals by means of flip-flopping phonemicization, syllabization, actualization, accentuation, or, to be exact, pronunciation of French loanwords have been twisted and had departed farther from the original sounds greatly. Such process mainly evolved to fit into speech habit of specific speakers, which is dissimilar to both Sino-Vietnamese and Sinitic-Vietnamese scenarios by phonetic shifts and bounces but their pronunciation were still articulaled within their phonological realm accented with similar tones. In a much later period, for such matter, similar conditioning had also occurred to the English loanwords in Vietnamese that have gone through somewhat the same process like that of the French loans in the last few decades earlier, very slowly though. (See APPENDIX A)

Phonemically both French and English words had been borrowed into Vietnamese being syllabized in such a way that they were somewhat in disarray following changing patterns that appear to be irregular -- understandably for their synchronic nature -- in contrast to the diachronically transformational patterns from Sinitic to Sinitic-Vietnamese in the past. For the latter, nevertheless, specialists in Vietnamese phonology still need to deal with specifics of irregular sound change phenomenon of Chinese words to those in Vietnamese and vice versa as well. For example, those were the changes of simplifying and vocalizing those Vietnamese consonantal clusters into Chinese, e.g., 'blau' > 'trầu' > 檳榔 bīnláng (areca-nut), 'tráicây' 水果 shuǐguǒ (fruit), or 'củtỏi' 蒜頭 suàntóu (garlic bulk). French-Vietnamese interchanges also went through the process to have resulted in those Vietnamese from Chinese patterns of syllabization and vocalization of complex intial consonantal clusters as well as droppings of a part from them like those loanwords from the French language, such as Vietnamese 'cờlê' (French 'clé' for 'key' or 'wrench') is a case of syllabization in initals while V 'cômlê' a case of consonantal dropping of the middle phoneme from 'complet' (suit) -- they being more like the muted asperate [h-] omitted in the French 'trône' as compared to English 'throne'. Such unexpectedly synchronic events that show how those loans evolved could help confirm the patterns that French words had changed into when easing their way into Vietnamese so that historical linguists in return could closely draw some formulae in order to apply to similar rules to much older Sinitic-Vietnamese cases under investigation.

On the one hand, if early proto-Vietic initials could start with the consonantal cluster /bl-/, such as 'blời' ~> 'trời' (sun) or 'blăng' ~> 'trăng' (moon), etc., (X) in a similar fashion like those in Old Chinese of the Western Han era in terms of syllabization of complex consonantal clusters. They could also have been concurrently syllabized and tonalized — their postulated 3 to 4 tones must have been embedded in each loanword in Vietnamese; otherwise, they could have sounded flat and monotonous like those of Chinese loanwords in Khmer, Japanese, or Korean — such as "khủnglong" ('dinosaur') for 恐龍 kǒnglóng as from PC **klong > 'conrồng' (dragon) and VS 'thuồngluồng' 水龍 shuǐlóng (water snake), and 'lúagạo' (rice) < OC *gləwʔ > 稻 dào, an etymon that gave rise to both 'lúa' (paddy, husked rice grains) [ /OC *(g)l- ] + 'gạo' (rice) [ /OC *g(li)- ] instead of the archaic original postulated '來 lái' as speculated from the semantic 'millet', originally.

On the other hand, generalization of the syllabizing process may implicate formation of dissyllabic Vietnamese lexicons, including basic words, of which each of the two morphosyllables starts with a consonant, such as 'cùichỏ' 手肘 shǒuzhǒu (elbow), 'bảvai' 肩膀 jiānbăng (shoulder), 'đầugối' 膝頭 xītóu (knee), 'màngtang' 太陽穴 tàiyángxué (temples), etc. The phenomenon could be summed up as a monosyllabic word having been fully "dissyllabized" from some archaic words that previously started with initials of complex consonantal clusters and were gradually replaced by simple consonants and syllablic dipthongs, e.g., 'blời' > 'mặttrời' > 'trời' > 'giời' (sun) and 'blăng' > 'mặttrăng' > 'trăng > 'giăng' (moon). With respects to the Vietnamese diphthongs or triphthongs in 'giời' and 'giăng' or "nguyệt", they somehow match the simple [ Consonant + Vowels ] model in modern Mandarin 日 rì (sun) and 月 yuè (moon), respectively, of which their Middle Chinese sounds are cognate to SV "nhật" and SV "nguyệt" and it is universally reckoned that the Sino-Vietnamese sounds are close to the Middle Chinese ones that those of the latter Mandarin. It is speculated that, historically, since the 11th century as the Annam State expanded its territory across the Hàtỉnh Province further to the south by annexing stretches of invaded land from the ancient Kingdom of Champa, and, as a result, linguistically, racial admixture and social contacts of the later Vietnamese resettlers with the Chamic natives had acquired those consonantal clusters of bilabial glides from Chamic elements, that is, /bl-/ and /pl-/ crept into Annamese and justified the formation of 'mặtgiời' ~> 'mặttrời' ~> /blời/ (sun), 'mặtgiăng' ~> 'mặttrăng' ~> 'blăng' (moon), where /b-/ was initialized in place of /mặt/, as their existence are recorded in Dictionarium Annamiticum Lusitanum et Latinum dictionary compiled by preacher Alexandre de Rhode and published in Rome in 1651. The vestige of such indigenous influence is still at work until now. For example, soft palatalization of fricatives and affricates, common in northern Vietnamese sub-dialects due to heavy Chinese influence, become hard consonants, such as ch- ~ tr- /ʈ-/, gi- ~> ch- ~ tr- /ʈ-/, e.g., 'chuyện' (傳 zhuàn) ~ 'truyện' (story), 'giời' (天 Tiān) ~ 'trời' (heaven), etc.

With regards to the development of dissyllabicity and tonality, like the Old Chinese, the ancient Vietic language might have its complex consonantal clusters transformed from into those of simple ones and, during the process, they could have accented with tonality, similar to those endings /-s/ or /-ʔ/as postulated by Haudricourt, in order to differentiate meanings of the words. Tonality of both Chinese and Annamese would concurrently develop and later become more sophisticated and that phenomenon could happen only if ancient Annamese had evolved in parallel with that of Middle Chinese, the language of the Tang Dynasty, as their tonal system evolved into 8 or 9 tones as attested also in Cantonese, and some other dialects. That is to say, tones in Vietnamese had existed long prior to the 12th century, not after that period, as hypothesized by Henri Maspero. It would be absurd and inconvincable that if any of those fundermental dissyllabic words cited above are still sounded tonelessly monotonous like those Chinese loans of Japanese Kanji or Korean Hanja, of which the former went through the process of dissyllabization, constraction, substitution, or dropping of the 'extra' consonantal endings, e.g., 'mit' ~> 'mitsu', 'tong' ~> 'toyo', or 'king' ~> 'kyo', etc., to suit the local pronunciation habit. Interestingly, that was also exactly what had happened to Ancient Chinese in the process of having evolved into modern Mandarin via the path of 'Tartarization', i.e., droppings of the mute endings -p. -t, -k, -m, along with the reduction from 8 tones in Middle Chinese down to 4 tones, etc., due to heavy influence of Altaic languages spoken by the Tartars, Mongols, and Manchurians — and their Kim or Jurchen ancestors — for nearly 1,000 years when the northern half of Northern China had gone under the rule of Tartaric warrior kings and their nomadic people. Such historical fact also explains why the Northern Chinese people are different from the Southern Chinese — up until the early 1980s, population of Bejingers consists largely the populace of Manchurian descents.

Speaking of Vietnamese tonality and its tonogenesis, as the matter of fact, it had roots in Old Chinese for two reasons among other things. Firstly, Vietnamese etyma appear in Sino-Tibetan etymologies — as opposed to the commonly cited Mon-Khmer ones — and they are cognate to many Ancient Chinese words with tonal variants. Tones in the Vietnamese language continued to develop during the 1,000 years thereafter throughout the period of one millenium under Chinese rule by different dynasties at least until 939 A.D., that is, from Ancient Chinese to Middle Chinese, back to back, and continued on as reflected in the reduction down to 6 tones in the Hatinh, Quangbinh, Quangtri, and Hue dialects. Secondly, Vietnamese tonality would have been completed by the 10th century with the 8 tones — technically, 4 tones on two registers — under the heavy linguistic influence of the Middle Chinese system for their attested linguistic similarities as attested in the Cantonese dialect, a variation of Middle Chinese, the offically court's language in the Tang Dynasty passed down from the NanHan 南漢 Dynasty after the collapse of the Tang Dynasty (907 A.D.) and the breakup of the Middle Kingdom into multiple states.

An ancient version of colloquial Cantonese subdialect, 白話 Baihua, as being spoken in the present China's Guangxi autonomous region including the three islands that the Kinh ethnic minority in China are inhabitating, was probably spoken by General Ngô Quyền in his time — who was enthroned later as King of ĐạiViệt (大越) State — in order to communicate with his subordinates under his command and subjects in the Annam Prefecture during the same period before and after his separation from the NamHan State and became a sovereignty from the rest of China. In that era the populace in ancient Annam in general might have spoken an early form of Annamese that was already embedded with the same 8 tonal equivalents in that Middle Chinese speech that would remain the same in the Vietnamese language throughout its development over the last 1,000 years after its independence as attested with those tones of the "Tang speech" (唐話 T'ong2wa3, as commonly called by older generations of Cantonese speakers).

In general, it is not difficult to see that many Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma that are cognate to those Old Chinese words appear to be much older than their Sino-Vietnamese counterparts even though both are all in active use in all walks of life, sometimes at the same level of semantic implication, including dissyllabic form made up by the Vietnamese natives before the Middle Chinese loans, such as 'yênbình' ~ 'bìnhyên' ~ 'bằngan' 平安 píng'ān (SV bìnhan) or 'peace', cf. Annam 安南 Ānnán, from "安南 都護府" (Annam Protectorate), named by rulers in Tang Dynasty (679-757, 766-866, and Vietnam had been so called before 1945), never 'yênnam', but 'Núi Yêntử' for '安子山 Ānzǐshān' (Mount Yentu), not 'Núi Antử', which demonstrates that 'yên' /jen/ { < OC */qa:n/} was an older form of 'an' /ʔɑn/ { < /ʔɒn/ } by Tang's pronunciation. Let us examine more cases of those Sinitic-Vietnamese words that were derived from either Old-Chinese or Middle Chinese forms that would later have become 'pure Vietnamese' words, i.e., native 'Nôm' words or so treated, for example

• lúa, gạo (SV đạo) 'paddy' and 'rice' [ M 稻 dào < MC dɑw < OC *lhu:ʔ, *ɫhu:ʔ < PC **ly:wH || Note: Meanwhile, based on Schuessler's reconstruction, M 稻 dào < MC dâu < OC *gləwʔ, *mləwʔ, we could postulate from the consonantal cluster of */gl-/ to posit both Sinitic-Vietnamese forms 'lúa' and 'gạo' then; hence, 'lúagạo' (rice) ],
• buồng, phòng (SV phòng) 'room, chamber' [ M 房 fáng < MC baŋ < OC *bwɒŋ | ex. '房 fáng + 心 xīn' > VS 'buồngtim' (heart chamber) vs. 心室 xīnshī = SV 'tâmthất' (heart ventricle) ],
• bữa, buổi, ban 'meal, (meal) time' [ Hence, 'period of the day' | M 飯 fàn (SV phạn) < MC bwɑn, bwən < OC *banʔ, *banʔs, *bonʔ, *bons | cf. 'ănmày' 要飯 yàofàn (panhandler) vs. 'bớicơm' (scoop rice into a bowl). According to Starostin: eat; meal; give to eat (LZ). Also read *banʔ-s, MC bw@\n, Pek. fa\n 'cooked rice or millet'. For *b- cf. Xiamen pŋ6, Chaozhou pu6, Fuzhou puo6, Jianou puiŋ6. || Note: for /bwoj3/, cf. buồm (SV phàm) 'sail mast' | M 帆 fán < MC bwɒm < OC *bram. (See more in this section as elaborated below. ) ],
• bè, phà (SV phà) ‘raft, ferry’ [ M 筏 fá < MC bwjət < OC *bhat || Note: with the connotation of 'raft' "bè" is something small such as 'bamboo raft', but for "phà", it means a 'big vessel' of variable sizes to make ferries for passengers to cross a larger body of water. ],
• chè, trà, +tế (SV trà) 'tea, sauce' [ M 茶 chá < MC ɖa < OC *ɫa: < PC **ɫe | ex. Tchewchow dialect: 'satế' 沙茶 shāchá ~ Malay 'saté'. Interestingly, 'sa' here is 'sả' (lemongrass) which in turn rolled one more time into Chinese as '香茅' xiāngmáo. As with the term 'chè' (sweet soup) for 茶 chá, it is cognate to 粥 zhōu, also, 'cháo' (porridge) in Sinitic Vietnamese. ],
• bua, vua, vương (SV vương) 'king, lord' [ M 王 wáng < MC waŋ < OC *wuaŋ | Dialects: Shanghai uã2, Taiyuan (Thn): vã1 ],
• bụt, Phật, vãi (SV Phật) 佛 'Buddha, monk' [ M 佛 fó < MC but < OC *bjət ],
• thầy, sãi, sư, +thuỷ (SV sư) 'teacher, abbot, sorcerer' [ M 師 shī < MC ʂɨ < OC *srij | ex. 巫師 wūshī ~ VS 'phùthuỷ' (shaman), 師徒 shītú ~ VS 'thầytrò' (teacher and student) ],
• ông, +trống, +cồ, công (SV công) 'mister, baron, public, male animal' [ M 公 gōng < MC kuŋ < OC *klo:ŋ | ex. 公雞 jīgōng ~ VS 'gàcồ' ~ 'gàtrống' (rooster), 外公 wàigōng ~ VS 'ôngngoại' (maternal grandfather) ],
• +bụa, vợ, phụ+ (SV phụ) 'wife, lady' [ M 婦 fù < MC bjəw < OC *bjəʔ | ex. 'goábụa' 寡婦 guăfù (also: VS 'ởvậy') ~ SV 'quảphụ' (widow) ],
• cha, tía (SV đa) 'father, daddy' [ M 爹 diē, duò (SV ta, đa, đà) || Note: for VS 'cha', cf. M 多 duō (SV đa) < MC ta < OC *tāj ],
• bố, phụ+ (SV phụ) 'father' [ M 父 < MC pu < paʔ < OC *paʔ (VS bự) < PC **pah (respectful way to address an older person) | Note: 父, 甫 (> bố, ex. Bốcái Ðạivương: 父母大王 Fùmǔ Dàwáng). Tibetan: dba 'Your Honorable, Sir' | ex. 'bốruột' 父親 fùqīn ~ SV 'phụthân' (father) ],
• mạ, mệ, mẹ, mợ, mẫu+, +mái, cái (SV mẫu) 'mother', female of animal' [ M 母 mǔ < MC myw < OC *mjəʔ | Cant. /mou4/, Hai. /mai2/ (~ mái) | See © nạ ~ 妳 nǐ (SV nhĩ) > 娘 niáng (nương) | cf. Amoy bo3, Chaozhou bo3 | ex. 'mẹruột' 母親 mǔqīn ~ SV 'mẫuthân' (mother), 母雞 mǔjī ~ VS gàmái (hen), 舅母 jìumǔ ~ 'cậumợ' ~> 'mợ' (VS 'uncle's wife', Northern Vietnamese dialect: 'mother') ],
• nạ, nàng, nường, nương+ (SV nương) 'lady' [ M 娘 niáng (Beijing and northern dialects: 'mom', cf. ancient Vietnamese 'nạ' means "mother") < MC naŋ < OC* nraŋ | Pk: nuəŋ12, Zyyy: niaŋ12, Amoy nĩu12, Chaozhou niẽ12, Shanghai niã32 | see © nạ 妳 nǐ (nhĩ) > Beijing 娘兒 niár | ex. 'cônàng' 姑娘 gūniáng ~ SV 'cônương' (girl) ],
• lời, từ (SV từ) 'spoken word, lexicon' [ M 辭 (詞) cí < MC zjɤ < OC *lhjə ],
• lẽ, lý, lo (SV lý) 'reason, manage' [ Also, VS 'thớ' ~ 'sớ' ((wood) grain, (jade) vein) | M 理 lǐ < MC lɤ, ly < OC *rhjəʔ, *rhjəs || ex. 理想 líxiăng VS 'lẽsống' (ideal; hence, 'raison d'être'), 理事 lǐshì SV lísự (management) ],
• việc, róc+, cuộc+, hoạt+ (SV hoạt) 'work' [ M 活 huó, guō (hoạt, quạt) < MC ɠwʌt, kwʌt < OC *ghwa:t | ex. 生活 shēnghuó ~ VS 'cuộc+sống' (life), 活動 huódòng SV hoạtđộng (activities). 幹活 gànhuó ~ VS 'àmviệc' (work), 活活 huóhuó ~ VS 'rócrách' (sound of running water) ],
• đánh, đả+ (SV đả) 'strike, fight' [ Also, modern 'tá' <~ Eng. 'dozen') | M 打 dă, dá, děng < MC tiɛŋ, taiŋ < OC *ta, *te:ŋ, *tre:ŋʔ || ex. 打傷 dăshāng: SV đảthương (inflict injury), 歐打 òudă: SV ấuđả (fight), 打仗 dăzhàng: VS 'đánhtrận' | cf. 打油 dǎyóu: 'thoadầu' (rub with oinment), 'đongdầu' (scoop oil into a container) ],
• rương, hòm+, +sương (SV sương) 'suitcase' [ M 箱 xiāng < MC sjaŋ < OC *saŋ | ¶ s-, x- ~ r-: ex. 鬚 xū (tu) râu | ex. 信箱 xìnxiāng, VS 'hòmthư' (mailbox), 'phướcsương' 福箱 fúxiāng (donation box in temples) ],
• tìm, kiếm, +tầm (SV tầm) 'look for' [ M 尋 xún < MC tsjim < OC *lhjəm < PC **ljəm | ex. 尋找 xúnzhăo ~ VS 'tìmkiếm' (search), 搜尋 sōuxún ~ SV 'sưutầm' (collect), 尋師學道 xúnshīxuédào: SV 'tầmsưhọcđạo' ~ VS 'tìmthầyhọcđạo' (headhunting for a teacher) ],
• đo, dò, +đạc, độ (SV độ) 'measure, degree, season' [ ex. VS 'đođạc' @& 度 dù 'đo' + 度 dù 'đạc' | M 度 dù < MC dʌk <OC *dha:k, *da:s < PC **dha: ],

and so on so forth.

(Note: Those words marked with + are usually more often seen in dissyllabic formation as word stems. See accompanied illustrations inside sqare brackets.)

Some of the etyma cited above deserve more elaboration (see more at Figure 1 below) but it would be too long for this introductory chapter. In many cases, readers should take some etyma at their face values as is, such as 飯 fàn SV 'phạn' for 'bữa' (meal, and its derived meaning to convey the conect of time of the day, e.g., morning, noon, evening, etc. ), that is, all other specific concepts of time period have been put under the canopy of 'ban-/ or /buổi-/. Note that in both Chinese and Vietnamese culture, 'meal' used to be a very important concept, even up until now, instead of greeting somebody with something like 'Good Mornining', or 'Good afternoon', people could just ask 'Have you had your meal yet?', 'Have you had lunch yet?', or 'Have you had dinner yet?'. To cite a case of how detailed an elaboration is, let us posit it as VS 'ban-', meaning 'period of time during the day', as in:

• 'bantrưa' (noon time) [ Also, 'bữatrưa', 'buổitrưa'; SV bạchtrú | M 白晝 báizhòu (daytime) / 白 bái ~ 'ban' @ 飯 fàn SV 'phạn'; hence, 'ban' ~> 'bữa' ~> 'buổi' / -an ~ -a, -wôi, ex. 蒜 suàn (SV toán) VS 'tỏi' (garlic), cf. Hainanese /bwoj1/ | M 白 bái, bó, bà, băi, zì < MC bɐk < OC *brak || M 晝 zhòu < MC ʈǝw < OC *triws | Pulleyblank: LMC triw < EMC: *trow ],
• banngày (daytime) [ SV bạchnhật | M 白日 báirì | M 日 rì, mì < MC rit < OC *ɲit < PC **nĭj ]

Note: In Vietnamese "ban-", a syllabic morpheme used as prefix and a semantic marker to indicate a period during the day, as in "banngày" or "banđêm" (night time), might have been derived from, interestingly enough,


• 飯 fàn [ SV phạn, VS 'ban' | M 飯 fàn < MC bwɑn, bwən < OC *banʔ, *banʔs / MC bwən ~ VS 'bữa' | Dialecst: Hai. /bwəj1/ ~ VS 'buổi' | Guangyun: 飯 fàn (1) byanx／bvaan, /bʰĭwɐn/, 飯 扶晚 並 元合 上聲 阮 合口三等 臻 元, (2) byanh／bvann, /bʰĭwɐn/, 飯 符万 並 元合 去聲 願 合口三等 臻 元. | Dialects: Cant. faan6, Hak fan5, Hai. /bwəj2/, Tchiewchow /beng2/ | According to Starostin: eat; meal; give to eat (LZ). Also read *banʔ-s, MC bw@\n, Pek. fa\n 'cooked rice or millet'. For *b- cf. Xiamen pŋ6, Chaozhou pu6, Fuzhou puo6, Jianou puiŋ6. | Note: 'meal' for 'bữa' ~> 'ban', cf. 'bữacóbữakhông', 'ăn bữatrưa lo 'bữatối', Vietnamese idioms, literally meaning 'make do with or without meals' and 'having something to eat for lunch but worrying about food for the dinner', respectively ]

and then the concept is further extended and associated with 'banngày' for what it happens to be '白 bái' in Chinese as in 白日 báirì [ Ex. 白日 báirì \ 白 bái ~ 'ban' @ 飯 fàn, cf. 白天 báitiān ~ VS 'buổisáng'. See "banmai" 平明 píngmíng SV 'bìnhminh' (dawn) ].

Similarly, the same notion of "ban-" is further expanded to other dissyllabic words, such as

• 晚間 wănjiān (night time) for "banđêm" [ hence, 'banhôm' (evening). See "bantối" 半夜 bànyè (midnight) | M 晚間 wănjiān \ 晚 wăn ~ 'ban-' 飯 fàn \ w- ~ b-; \ 間 jiān ~ '+đêm' @ 宵 xiāo \ ¶ j- ~ đ- ]

In effect, "ban" is not actually 白 bái or 晚 wăn, and "đêm" certainly not from 間 jiān but probably from 宵 xiāo (SV tiêu, 'evening'); they are one of the cases of both association and assimilation. That is, the sound for that concept-word /ban/ might have been picked up, associated, altered, and spread by the common mass — previously mentioned as the illiterate populace — firstly with the concept of "time" as in "daytime" and "night time" and then late it spread and contaminate to other periods of the day. That is how their morphemic form /ban-/had come about. For example,

• "banmai" 平明 píngmíng (dawn) [ SV 'bìnhminh' ~ also, VS 'bansáng' ~ 'buổisáng' / 平 píng ~ 'bằng', 明 míng ~ 'sáng' | cf. 明日 míngrì: 'SV ngàymai' (tomorrow) ],
• "bantrưa" 白晝 báizhòu (day time) [ also, VS 'buổitrưa' (noontime) ],
• "banchiều" 傍晚 bángwăn (dusk) [ also, VS 'buổichiều' and 'chạngvạng' (dusk) ],
• "bantối" 半夜 bànyè (midnight) [ also, 'buổitối', 'banhôm'. See 晚間 wănjiān (night time) for "banđêm". ],

even


• "bannảy" 方才 fāngcái (just) [ also, 'mớivừa' (recently) ],

In other words, they all have been a product of association with "ban", "bữa" or "buổi" (cf. 'bữasáng' ('buổisáng'), 'bữatrưa' ('buổitrưa), 'bữachiều' ('buổichiều'), 'bữatối' ('buổitối'), where "bữa-" comes with an implication of meals depending on the context. The same rationalization can be equally applied to

• "banngàybanmặt" (in broad daylight) and "banđêmbanhôm" (in the depth of the night), which are the sound change variants of 青天白日 qīngtiānbáirì (SV 'thanhthiênbạchnhật') and 三更半夜 sāngēngbànyè (VS literally, 'nửađêmcanhba'), respectively.

As we can see by now, the new morphemic prefix 'ban-', unlike its variant 'buổi', or "bữa" (a meal in the day), in all illustrated examples above is elevated to appear only in several dissyllabic formations to denote a certain period of the day. Note something distinctive between 白日 báirì for 'banngày' while 白天 báitiān is postulated for 'buổisáng".

"Ban" had come into existence later, probably after "buổi" and then "bữa", for a concept of segmental time and to be used with other time adverbs to coin new words conveying any period of the day. The postulation of "ban-" could go with the older monosyllabic forms "ngày" and "đêm" ('day' and 'night') regardless of whether either one could either arise from the same roots with those languages in the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer linguistic family or originate from those of Chinese rì 日 SV 'nhật' (day) and xiāo 宵 SV 'tiêu' ~ VS 'tối' (night) , respectively (etymology of these two words is another issue to be dealt with later.) Such congruous course of development, e.g., localization of "ban-" being mapped into the etymon 飯 fàn ~ VS 'buổi' /bwoj3/ \ Hai. /bwəj2/ hence, VS "bữa", is a phenomenon of elevating generalization where the original meaning is transformed in a much more abstract element.

For the later period of lexical development, phonologically, the process of dissyllabization of homonymous monosyllabic words started with what appeared in the Tang Dynasty's vocabulary system, a phenomenon of active dissyllabization and semantic synchronization that caused the metathesis or syntatic reverse of order to have ocurred in Sinitic-Vietnamese, e.g., dànbăo 擔保 SV 'đảmbảo' v. 'bảođảm' (guarantee), dòuzhēng 鬥爭 SV 'đấutranh' v. 'tranhđấu' (struggle), etc. Regarding these subject matters they will be discussed later in this paper.

Despite of such daunting challenges in making out the true identity, i.e., which 'ban' (?), of those Chinese and Vietnamese cognates, sound changes in the designated Sinitic-Vietnamese sphere, including the basic vocabulary set in Vietnamese, are much more noteworthy for their derived varieties in spite of unconventional approach. The sound changes did occur, as attested by the Hainanese matched variants as noted above, to Sinitic-Vietnamese words synchronically, that is, they are not directly derived from those of Sino-Vietnamese of diachronic nature. On the surface for both Chinese and Vietnamese vocabulary sets, their correspondent cognates at times might appear to be somewhat similar in modern romanized orthography, that is, Chinese pinyin versus Vietnamese Quốcngữ, sounding acoustically closely among them, yet each of them could have originated independently from various sources, such as one or more major Chinese dialects in different places and times over the remote past, as diversed as doublets cited previously in some sampled cases, yet, all from the same roots, genetically affiliated.

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B) The role of Mandarin

As you can see, modern Mandarin (M) is the living popular Putonghua language for which pinyin transcription is chosen here to illustrate examples cited throughout in this paper. One may ask, "How on earth Vietnamese has to do with Mandarin long after Vietnamese had already gained its independence from China more than ten centuries ago?" For ancient sound reconstruction, indeed, Mandarin may not be an ideal pick to do the comparative work in historical linguistics even though Chinese-Vietnamese correspondences show that sound change patterns can still be traced and tabulated to be mapped into phonological rules based on the fact that they had been products of lingua franca that mandarins and learned people used including their fondness of using ancient words and Chinese-classical style in writing. Meanwhile, in speech the author found that many peculiar expressions in Vietnamese appear to be similar to those of Mandarin from its sub- to superstratum of lexical classes in literary and scholarly usages which support their factual share of Mandarin as a result of it have been picked as lingua franca way back in the remothe past. That is how Mandarin and its modern pinyin have been chosen because its romanized transliteration is familiar to most Chinese learners and can conveniently serve as a guide to pronunciation of those cited words that are under investigation.

In effect, Mandarin, a northern Chinese dialect, has developed into its later forms and shapes that bear similarity with its present state some time after the Northern Song Dynasty in the 11th century as attested in the 12th century's Menggu Yinyun 蒙古音韻 (Mongolian Rhyming Book). In Chinese historical phonology Mandarin is considered as a direct descendant of Middle Chinese, which was in turn descended from Old Chinese. For Mandarin its phonological system has undergone a great deal of changes due to its long historical contacts with northern Tartaric people — ancestors of the Turkish people — from North China over the time span of hundreds of years (see Alvin P. Cohen.1979. pp. 1-21) As a result, even though modern Mandarin is still spoken with only 4 tones, a drastic drop from the ancient 8-tone system along with its syllabic final stock, or yùn 韻 vần, i.e., the syllabic final parts without the initials, having been reduced greatly. (Zhou Zumo. 1991. Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn 中原音韻)

Regarding historical Tartaric linguistic influence on Mandarin, extraordinary linguistic deviatory sound changes were attributed to strong interpolation with those non-Han northern languages of Altaic origin which were spoken by the Tartars, the Kim (Jīn 金 or Jurchens), the Mongols, and the Manchurians (Bo Yang. 1983. Zīzhì Tōngjiàn 資治通鑒). Those normadic Tartaric people had long conquered and ruled a half vast northern territory as seen on China's map for nearly 1,000 years — interestingly similar to China's reins on the Vietnam for approximately almost equal length of time until early 10th century — and even more for later in the late 13th century when Genghis Khan and his Mongol armies invaded and governed the whole country for nearly 100 years, which is known in China's history as the Yuan Dynasty (元朝, 1271-1368), until it was succeded by the Ming Dynasty. Then came the Manchurians who in turn overthrew the Ming Dynasty and established the Qing Dynasty in the 17th century and they would rule China until 1911. Throughout those periods, as in the previous era, Mandarin had always been the official language, also known as 官話 Guanhua (SV 'Quanthoại' /kwan1t'waj6/), spoken by the mandarins at the imperial court and widely by scholars in the empire as "lingua franca" that is probably the mixture of spoken northern dialects — already altered and shortened syllabic finals — with classical Chinese, i.e., 文言文, has evolved into a relatively different appearance with colloquial dialects, e.g., Cantonese or Sino-Vietnamese in comparison with their Middle Chinese predecessor.

For practical purpose, Mandarin is therefore put in use here, besides, for a good reason that it, 'putonghua', is presumably a popular Chinese speech that Chinese learners firstly know and, as an illustrative tool, for us all it is convenient to relate an etymon under investigation to its contemporary forms despite of its deviatory sound system from ancient sounds. Importantly, unexpectedly though, it is from this popular Mandarin, among other variations, represented loosely by the northeastern subdialect as a very close variant of it, that the author has found all living proofs showing both intrinsic subtleness and uniqueness of its northern and Beijing's vernacular linguistic forms that perpetually exist in Sinitic-Vietnamese as well, from which southern speeches might be distanced, for example,

• 'chào' 早 zǎo 'hello',
• 'mai' 明兒 mínr 'tomorrow',
• 'đừnghòng' 甭想 péngxiăng 'don't ever think of',
• 'đừng' 甭 péng 'do not',
• 'đuợc' 得 dé 'okay',
• 'đúng' 中 zhòng 'right',
• 'xong' 成 chéng 'done, fine',
• 'vâng' 行 xíng 'yes',
• 'luônluôn' 老老 láoláo 'always;',
• 'xịn' 新 xīn 'brand new',
• 'kẹo' 摳 kòu 'stingy',
• 'ngầu' 牛 níu 'tough',
• 'tía' 爹 diè 'dad',
• 'nạ' 娘 niáng 'mom',
• 'tếu' 逗 dòu 'funny',
• 'bôngđùa' # 逗玩 dòuwán 'joking',
• 'khốnnạn' @ '混蛋 húndàn 'son of a bitch',
• 'ôngnhà' 家公 jiāgōng 'husband',
• 'bàxã' # 媳婦 xífù 'wife, honey (husband to call his wife)',
• 'điđám' 隨錢 suíqián 'monetary gift',
• 'trướcTết' 前節 qiánjié 'before the Lunar New Year',
• 'ănTết' 過節 guòjié 'celebrate Lunar New Year',
• 'sauTết' 後節 guòjié 'after Lunar New Year',
• 'ănmày' 要飯 yàofàn 'beggar', etc.

Such an undeniable affiliation of both Chinese-Vietnamese etyma implicitly suggests that many of Sinitic-Vietnamese words probably have something pretty much to do with this northern vernacular Mandarin, colloquially, in the same manner as they are to Cantonese, Fukienese, or any Chinese dialects after excluding those very basic aboriginal linguistic strata (see Cantonese examples below).

It is the Middle Chinese, nevertheless, that had directly given rise to the systematic transformation of its sounds into the existing Sino-Vietnamese lexicons that are the essential and indispensable parts of Vietnamese vocabularies and they all co-exist and blend well with all other Sinitic-Vietnamese words as we have come to know today. Meanwhile, even though Sino-Vietnamese vocabularies are similar to other Cantonese-related etyma given their relationship with the Chinese mainstream up until now assumed Cantonese as a Chinese southern dialect because of its Chinese entanglement at the very least since 111 B.C. which is also known as a Yue language (粵語 Cant. /jyet8/), with a 9 tone system, usually referred to as the Tang's language '唐話' (Cant. /t'oŋ2wa3/) for the reason that it still reserves more the Chinese ancient phonological features and characteristics based on its tones and syllables that match the Tang's tonal registers and rhyming matrix than its Mandarin counterpart. Dialectally speaking, even though Cantonese has been officially classified as of the Sino-Tibetan linguistic family thanks to its apparent dominance of Chinese vocabularies, it is obvious that this Chinese "dialect" was built on top of indigenous Yue substrata with basic etyma as well as innate native expressions, such as

• 'Nej6 hoj5 pin5dou2?' (Where are you going?),
• 'Hyej6 fajng1 dzwo3 kao1.' (He's already slept.), etc.,

which sharply deviate from similar expressions in several Chinese dialects, that is, no equivalent in Mandarin for 'in5dou2' in the first sentence and the whole second one. Amusingly, in contrast, what would appear in Vietnamese with the same connotation it feels as if Mandarin is being spoken in a different way, those two sentences could be translated into Mandarin and then Vietnamese word by word as without a hiss.


• "你去那兒?" Nǐ qù năr? 'Mầy đi đâu vậy?'
and

• "他睡覺了." Tā shuìjiào le. 'Nó đingủ rồi.'

where we can posit Vietnamese 'đi' for 去 qù and 'đingủ' for 睡覺 shuìjiào at the same time with the etymonic implication that Vietnamese 'ngủ' ~ 臥 wò (SV ngoạ) is associated with the dissyllabic word 睡覺, meanwhile, phonemically associating 睡 shuì = 'đi' and 覺 jiào = 'ngủ' (in Vietnamese literally formed as 'go to sleep'), respectively. All these postulations were established by a dissyllabic approach as to be discussed later.

In actuality, both Cantonese and Vietnamese, plus other southern Chinese dialects called Wu and Minnan, which is represented by Shanghainese and Amoy subdialect 廈門方言 (Xiàmén), with 7 tone system, respectively, all still contain remnants of Ancient Chinese, the original speech in the Han Dynasty, which had been also built on top of aboriginal linguistic layers, being similar to those of Sinitic-Vietnamese or Cantonese as previously mentioned. In Hainanese, a subdialect of the Minnan, the same 2 sentences would be expressed differently from Mandarin as well, for example,

• 'Nong2 k'u5de8?' (Where are you going?),
• 'Yi1 kwaj7mat6.' (He's already slept.), etc.,

All said, the three speeches still retain much more ancient phonological features rich in syllabic finals besides tones. Those linguistic attributes and characteristics have long become extinct in the modern Mandarin, descended from Guanhua 官話, that has gained their position as the official national language, aka 'putonghua', today.

While both Sinitic-Vietnamese and Fukienese etyma carry more of ancient remnants of the Han Dynasty as compared to those Sino-Vietnamese and Cantonese lexicons that are more of Middle Chinese spoken in the Tang Dynasty, if we examine further in every syntactic aspect in Vietnamese, we can find its distinction, e.g., its finalization on putting reverse syllabic order of dissyllabic words, e.g., 'bàxã' # 媳婦 xífù, 'ôngxã' # 家公 jiāgōng, etc.. As part of the introduction to this Sinitic-Vietnamese study, etymologically, while not featuring all the bells and whistles of modern methodologies boasted the Austroasiatic camp, the foregoing section is also supposedly to trumpet all about the Sinitic-Vietnamese theorization — as opposed to that of the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer, conceptually — to bring your attention to those Vietnamese and Chinese commonalities that exist far beyond what has been so far minimally acknowledged and recognized by the same Austroasiatic sppecialists who seem to have never tried to reconcile differences with their Mon-Khmer postulation. Even though they may take notes on the new Sino-Tibetan findings as proposed herein, it may be way too much Chinese in substance that makes them, lexically, more of Chinese loanwords rather than originally Vietnamese.

There exists a historical reason for such persisting perception. The Vietnamese historical linguistic circle must pay attention to the fact that 'Annam', as discussed throughout, had ever long been a prefecture of China from 111 B.C. until 939 A.D. and it was the sole survivor state of ancient descents of the Yue lineage that once were a part that made up the unified kingdom of 'NamYue' consisted of all the Southern Yue fractions. For the ancient Vietnam's 1,000 years of history under the Chinese rule, in terms of linguistic development, on the other hand, Chinese elements inevitably grew on top of the ancient Yue basic stratum, with the former was an admixture of the latter that had been an aboriginal linguistic base to start with. To distinguish Chinese loanwords in Vietnamese, on the one hand, veteran linguists should be willing to take pains to filter them out, and at the same time reckon the Yue remnants from what substantiates Chinese elements — e.g., 'sông' 江 jiāng (river) or 'đường' 糖 táng (sugar) — of which peculiarities exist in both Vietnamese and Chinese as well; take classic examples of the southern Yue that had 江 while the northern Chinese had 河 hé for 'river', each specifically pointing to two different rivers. On the other hand, the readers also need to connect what justifies Vietnamese and Chinese as affiliated languages in order to make sense of the reverse scenario where the same fundamental etyma make the Yue linguistic elements to appear to have grown on top of Chinese as attested by those Vietnamese cognates that have been found across many Sino-Tibetan etymologies to be presented in this paper. By and large the explanation for the latter phenomenon is that language contacts caused the Yue elements to have infiltrated into Chinese, so did the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer ones into Vietnamese.

Vietnamese is a historical product, so study of it should take a historical approach as a result. That is, we do not just pull out lists of basic and fundamental words and manipulate them to draw linguistic rules about them. Newcomers in the field should recognize such objective views under historical perspectives and take the opportunity to set out an expedition on this less frequented path called Sintic Vietnamese, which appears to be a promising playing field. For those local scholars inside Vietnam geograpphically, being Vietnamese by birth and training, even with those who have earned their reputation in the field of Vietnamese etymology based on the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer theory, by following the historical approach they can still be able to unload the burden of handling Chinese stockpile of culturally-accented items, including those intimate addressing forms in the realm of loanwords having been totally localized, for example, 爹 diè (tía), 娘 niáng (nạ), 父 fù (bố), 母 mǔ (mẹ, mợ), 姊 zǐ (chị), 妹 mēi (em), 公 gōng (ông), 婆 pó (bà), 佛 Fó (Bụt), etc. The notable point is one should not treat Vietnamese as a separate entity but a product of history — as what we would like to experiment in an imaginary case for some hypothetical indigenes' A and B languages in the Amazon jungle, assumingly similar to what the Austroasiatic theorists did on the Mon-Khmer for the Vietnamese language in the first place, so to speak — and at the same time, unlike the other Western camp, should not accept the hypothesis of Vietnamese without attempting to position their Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer theory in the the same historical timeframe. That is not to say Vietnamese linguists can not utilize Austroasiatic findings on indigenous basic stock in so far as they are not Chinese-affiliated etyma in any way. In addition, they can liberally adopt Western methodologies and continue to work on related elements in "post-historical" settings. In short, Sinitic-Vietnamese linguists should be able to make use of both approaches to complement each other, as a result. For instance, for scores of Vietnamese words that match sound change patterns in related cognates existing in regional languages across Southeast Asia, Ferlus drew conclusion that there was an ancient trade route from Annam to India; the data the author came up with are solely based on what assumed to be vestiges of language contacts (Ferlus. 2012).

One of formidable obstacles is that the local Vietnamese intellectual circle and its counterpart have been deeply entangled with nationalism or political ideology, incredibly very strong, equally applied to both China and Vietnam — readers who have to read their 'academic' books for research purpose can smell it, so stink that they can literally throw up, with lines that read something like "under the leadership of Uncle Ho Chi-Minh and the glorious banner of the Communist Party, following Marxist-Leninism with nationalism, bla-bla shit..." appearing in almost every other page (H). Indeed, Vietnamese nationalism has played so large a haunting and distracting role that has seriously posed bias toward academic objectivity. While siding with Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer camp at the expense of academic accomplishment, Vietnamese scholars have shown casual attitude with partisan politics as usual either by choice taking directives from the system above. So said, that means Chinese have been in their radar. Therefore, in order to give Vietnamese of a chance of truthful view on Chinese and then Sino-Tibetan without giving it a fair evaluation, one needs to adjust his or her stand and mindset, so to speak. That is, recuperation from irrational involvement in national politics is another step needed to take, which will be dicussed later in another chapter. (S)

Metaphoricaly the whole etymological field is just like an orphanage institution full of orphans being adopted but they are denied from being able to access to their true identity until the US "The Baby Lift Opreration" was in full swing in the last few days in April 20, 1975, when they followed their benefactors to the U.S.A. Hundreds of those who have grown up in the States have returned to look for their roots and many of them with American spirit that does not exist in Vietnam have found their birth mothers. The question is, "Would the home-bound scholars rather keep Vietnamese an independent linguistic entity by itself — not Sinitic-centric — so as not to be in disaccord with popular temperament of patriotism, i.e., anti-Chinese sentiment, being hold within the national boundary?" If Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer approach was their selected choice, it would help ease the reserved acceptance of the fact that Vietnamese is a Yue-based Sinitized language, i.e., Sinitic entities being built on the Yue foundation given the Mon-Khmer elements were ones among those buried underneath.

Local scholars have long been so obsessed with Western hypotheses, such as Haudricourt on the genesis of Vietnamese tonality as completed from the 12th century onward, and those nonsenses of ownership claims on findings of cultural artifacts excavated in the last annexed land in the southern parts of the country. They should keep in mind that what sets the Sinitic-Vietnamese theorization above all is its "post-historical" vs. "prehistoric" approach, just like having a theory being jacked up with a history as opposed to hypothetical ruins with only etymonic remnants, which is parallel to the situation that the Mon-Khmer, Daic Laotian or Thai languages are leaning on the religious stand of having vague linguistic affiliation as seen through canonic Pali or Sanskrit. That is not so in the case of Vietnamese and Old Chinese because there is history to back up such bold claim. Similarly, in order for the current postulation of the Vietnamese affinity with the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer linguistic family to be of any validity it must be supported by written history with which the ancient Yue could be traced to have originated from the China South region that stretches southward to the current Vietnam's 16th parrallel and then fused with the locals prior to emigration further to the Indo-Chinese peninsula. In other words, the Mon-Khmer speakers, even though their ancestry is seen as a deviation of the Yue, were not indigenous natives to northern Vietnam's region in prehistoric era. (See Nguyễn Ngọc San. 1993)

Etymologically, among other things there exist many Chinese loanwords in disguise, undoubtedly, that could have originated from the same roots in some remotely ancient past that are still lying underexposed below surface of Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer linguistic sub-family as characterized in their cognates with basic words. In fact revelation of their stratum of basic words would only strengthen our belief that would eventually tell us more about the unknown Sinitic-Vietnamese core matters. What readers have already learned from some of the foregoing examples has exposed unexpected layers of Chinese lexicons exsiting in all shapes and sounds, which would extend further to other areas of virtually all Vietnamese idioms and proverbs as well. Additionally, wIth further demonstration of a modified approach using patterns of dissyllabicity, we could not help but realize that such plausible Chinese and Sinitic-Vietnamese matches cannot be found in any Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer linguistic forms.

In the following preliminary presentation of newly found of Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma, the author will bring in new proofs from many other Sino-Tibetan etymologies of Vietnamese besides the Sinitic etyma en route of applying novel approaches which are considered as different from what has been utilized with Western methodologies, which would help resolve some of reclassifying issues raised this research. For those newcomers who have been exposed to only a limited number of Sinitic-Vietnamese words cited in this survey, if this paper is to successfully arouse their sheer interests with renewal of vitality in the core Vietnamese matter of Sino-Tibetan etymologies, especially from of the Yue strata that also made up both Autroasiatic and Sinitic layers of basic words, it is regarded as having achieved half of the onset objective.

As follows, the rest of this chapter will establish the Sinitic-Vietnamese paradigm that will, hopefully, give birth to the study of Sinitic-Vietnamese etymology. In the next chapters the author will elaborate on what has been discussed in condensed form in the foregoing sections.

Sinitic-Vietnamese Etyma	Chinese etymology	Degrees of plausibily/meanings
bợ	(1) bầu, (2) bụm, (3) bợ 抔 póu (bầu) [ Vh @ M 抔 póu, bào < MC pʌw < OC *pōʔ, *pʰlɯː, *bɯ | *OC (1) 抔 不 之 裒 bɯ , (2) 抔 不 之 肧 pʰlɯː | Dialects: Cant. pau4, Hakka piau1 | Shuowen: 把也。今 鹽官 入 水 取 鹽 爲 掊。从 手 咅 聲。 父溝切 || Kangxi: 《康熙字典·手部·四》 抔： 《唐韻》 薄侯切 《集韻》 《韻會》 《正韻》 蒲侯切，𠀤 音 裒。手掬物也。《禮·禮運》汙尊而抔飮。《疏》以手掬之而飮也。 《前漢·張釋之傳》愚民 取 長陵 一 抔土)。《註》抔 謂 手掬 之。今學者讀爲杯勺之杯，非也。又 《廣韻》 芳杯切 《集韻》 鋪枚切，𠀤 音 胚。 義同。又 本作 捊，引取也，今文作抔。 別 作 㧵，非。| Guangyun: (1) 抔 肧 芳杯 滂 灰 灰 平聲 一等 合口 灰 蟹 上平十五灰 pʰuɑ̆i pʰuɒi pʰuᴀi pʰuɒi pʰuʌi pʰuoi pʰwəj pei1 phuai phuoi 披抔 , (2) 抔 裒 薄侯 並 侯 侯 平聲 一等 開口 侯 流 下平十九侯 bʱə̯u bəu bu bəu bəu bəu bəw pou2 bu bou 手掬物也 || ZYYY: 抔 抔 滂 尤侯開 尤侯 陽平 開口呼 pʰəu || Note: Mongolian phonology puw buw 平聲 || Handian: 抔 póu ◎ 〈動〉(1) (本作 “捊”。 形聲。 從手, 不 聲。本義: 用手捧) 同本義。污尊而抔飲。 ——《禮記·禮運》。注: “手 掬 之 也。” 〈量〉(2) 相當 於 “捧”、 “把”、 “握”。 ]	****** hold with both hands, carry with both hands, offer with both hands, cup one's hands. Also: double handful, scoop.
bởi	(1) do, (2) vì, (3) bởi  由  yóu (do) [ Vh @ M 由 yóu < MC jəw < OC *ɫu | ¶ /y-/ ~ /b-/, td. 游 yóu (bơi), 郵 yóu (bưu), 柚 yòu (bưởi) || Handian: ◎ 由 yóu 〈動〉 (1) 《說文》 無“由” 字, 古字 字形。 (2) 樹木 生 新枝。 亦 泛指 萌生。 今在析木之津,猶將復由。 —— 《左傳》 (3) 經, 由。 誰 能 出 不 由 戶? —— 《論語·雍也》 又 如: 必由之路; 由邊門出去。 (3) ◎ 由 yóu 〈連〉 因為; 由於。 (4) ◎ 由 yóu 〈介〉自, 從… (表示 起點), (5) ◎ 由 yóu 〈名〉: 原由; 緣故。 蓋聞 古者 祖 有 功 而 宗 有 德, 制 禮樂 各 有 由。 —— 《史記》 (6) 來源; 開頭。 || Ex. 自由 zìyóu (tựdo), 由于 yóuyú (bởivì) ]	*** follow along, follow, from, it is for...to, reason, cause, because of, due to, pass through, by way of, by, to. Also: sprout, leave it to somebody, be it.
bón	(1) bá, (2) bả, (3) vãi, (5) rãi, (6) bón  播  bō (bá) [ Vh @ M 播 bō, bǒ, bò (bá, bả) < MC pwâr < OC *pa:rs | Dialecst: Cant. bo3, Hakka bo5 | Shuowen: 穜也。一曰布也。从手番聲。𢿥，古文播。補過切 | Guangyun: 播 補過 幫 戈一合 去聲 箇 合口一等 果 戈 puɑ puah || Ex. 播種 bōzhòng (bóntrồng) ]	*** sow, scatter, spread, spread out. Also: broadcast, proclaim, family surname of Chinese origin.
bưởi	(1) bòng, (2) bưởi 柚 yòu (dứu) [ Vh @ M 柚 yòu, yóu < MC jjəw < OC *ɫu | ¶ /y-/ ~ /b-/, cf. 郵 yóu (SV bưu) | Dialects: Cant. jau2, jau6, zuk6, Hakka ju5 | Shuowen: 條也。似橙而酢。从 木 由聲。《夏書》 曰：“厥包橘柚。”余救切 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》餘救切 《正韻》爰救切，𠀤音右。 《說文》與𣠡同，條也。 《書·禹貢》厥包橘柚。 《傳》小曰橘，大曰柚。 《爾雅·釋木》柚條。 《註》似橙而酢。 《呂覽·本味篇》果之美者，有雲夢之柚。 《埤雅》卽《詩·秦風》有條者是也。又《玉篇》羊宙切，音茂。義同。又《唐韻》《正韻》直六切《集韻》佇六切《韻會》仲六切，𠀤音逐。杼柚，織具也。杼受經，柚受緯。通作軸。又《集韻》​​夷週切，音由。橙屬。又柚梧，竹名。考證：〔《書·禹貢》厥包橘柚。 《傳》大曰橘，小曰柚。 〕　謹照原文改小曰橘，大曰柚。| Guangyun: (1) 狖 余救 以 尤 去聲 宥 開口三等 尤 流 juh／jow jĭəu , (2) 逐 直六 澄 屋三 入聲 屋 開口三等 東 通 driuk／diuk ɖʰĭuk || Ex. 柚條 yóutiáo 'tráibưởi' (grapefruit) ]	**** grapefruit, pomelo, shaddock.
bưng	(1) nâng, (2) dâng, (3) bưng [ Vh @ M 捧 pěng < MC phouŋ < OC *phoŋʔ | ¶ p- ~ b-, | *OC 捧 丰 東 捧 pʰoŋʔ 見莊子 | Dialects: Cant. bung2, fung2, pung2, Hakka bung3 | Kangxi:《唐韻》《韻會》敷唪切《集韻》撫勇切，𠀤豐上聲。兩手承也。又掬也。或作𢪋。　又《集韻》父勇切，縫上聲。承也。與奉同。　又《集韻》符容切，音逢。奉也。與捀同。 | Guangyun: 捧 捧 敷奉 滂 鍾 腫 上聲 三等 開口 鍾 通 上二腫 pʰi̯woŋ pʰĭwoŋ pʰioŋ pʰioŋ pʰɨoŋ pʰioŋ pʰuawŋ feng3 phyungx || ZYYY: 捧 捧 非 東鍾合 東鍾 上聲 合口呼 fuŋ || Môngcổ âmvận: hwung fuŋ 上聲 ]	****** , hold with both hands, carry with both hands, offer with both hands, cup one's hands, double handful, scoop, Also:, praise, support,
bướu	(1) lựu, (2) bìu, (3) bứu, (4) bướu  瘤  líu (lựu) [ Vh @ M 瘤 (癅) líu, lìu < MC luw < OC *m·ru, *m·rus | *OC (1) 瘤 卯 幽 劉 m·ru, (2) 瘤 卯 幽 溜 m·rus | ¶ l- ~ t-, b-, w-, td. 兵 bīng (lính) | Dialects: Cant. lau4, liu2, Hakka liu2 | Shuowen: 《疒部》癅：腫也。从疒畱聲。 || Kangxi: 《康熙字典·疒部·十二》癅：〔古文〕𥏵《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》𠀤力求切，音畱。《說文》腫也。《玉篇》瘜肉也。《廣韻》肉起疾。《釋名》癅，流也。血流聚所生癅腫也。《正字通》癅肬二病似同實異。與肉偕生者爲肬，病而漸生者爲癅。《抱朴子勗學卷》粉黛至，則西施以加麗，而宿癅以藏醜。又《韻會》或作𦠝。通作旒。《公羊傳·襄十六年》君若贅旒然。又《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》𠀤力救切，音溜。義同。 考證：〔又《韻會》作𦠝。通作旈。《公羊傳·襄十六年》君若贅旈然。〕謹照原文兩旈字俱改旒。 《正字通》俗癅字。 | Guangyun: (1) 瘤 劉 力求 來 尤 尤 平聲 三等 開口 尤 流 下平十八尤 li̯ə̯u lĭəu liu liəu lɨu liu luw liu2 liu liou 肉起疾也釋名曰瘤流也流聚而生腫也 , (2) 瘤 溜 力救 來 尤 宥 去聲 三等 開口 尤 流 去四十九宥 li̯ə̯u lĭəu liu liəu lɨu liu luw liu4 liuh liow 赤瘤腫病也出文字集略 || ZYYY: (1) 瘤 劉 來 尤侯齊 尤侯 陽平 齊齒呼 liəu , (2) 瘤 溜 來 尤侯齊 尤侯 去聲 齊齒呼 liəu ]	*** tumor, burl, hump, knurl, nubble, lump, goiter, verruca, bursa,
cóng	(1) hàn, (2) cóng  寒  hán (hàn) [ Vh @ M 寒 hán < MC ɠʌn < OC *ga:n, *gʌn | Dialecst: Cant. hon4, Hakka hon2, (Note: Xiamen kuã2, Fuzhou kaŋ2, Jianou kuiŋ6 ( < *gʌn), Hai. kua2 , Pt 胡安 | Shuowen: 《宀部》寒：凍也。从人在宀下，以茻薦覆之，下有仌。| Kangxi: 《康熙字典·宀部·九》寒：〔古文〕𡫮𡫾《唐韻》胡安切《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》河干切，𠀤音韓。《釋名》寒，捍也。捍，格也。《玉篇》冬時也。《易·繫辭》日月運行，一寒一暑。 | Guangyun: 寒 胡安 匣 寒 平聲 寒 開口一等 寒 山 ghan／han ɣɑn || Ex. 飢寒 jīhán (cơhàn) ]	*** be cold, wintry, chilly, freezing, tremble. Also: poor, humble.   {ID4118}
diều	(1) diên, (2) diều  鳶  yuān (diên) [ Vh @ M 鳶 yuān < MC lwan < OC *jwen | Dialecst: Cant. jyun1, Hakka jan1 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》與專切《韻會》餘專切《正韻》於權切，音緣。 《說文》鷙鳥也。 《玉篇》鴟類也。 《詩·大雅》鳶飛戾天。 《爾雅·釋鳥》鳶鳥醜，其飛也翔。 《疏》鳶，鴟也。鴟鳥之類，其飛也布翅翱翔。又《禮·曲禮》前有塵埃，則載鳴鳶。 《疏》鳶，鴟也。鳶鳴則將風，畫鴟於旌首而載之，眾見咸知以爲備也。又風鳶 (diềugió)。 《唐書·田悅傳》臨洺將張伾，以紙爲風鳶，高百餘丈，爲書達馬燧營。 《續博物誌》今之紙鳶，引絲而上，令小兒張口望視，以洩內熱。| Guangyun: 沿 與專 以 仙A合 平聲 先 合口三等 仙A 山 jyen／jven jĭwɛn || Ex. 黑耳鳶 hēiryuān 'diềuhâu' (hawk), 紙鳶 'diềugiấy' (kite) 風鳶 fēngyuān 'diềugió' (kite) ]	*** hawk, glede, (various) Milvus species. Also: kite.   {ID453075718}
dở	(1) dũ, (2) dở  窳  yǔ (dũ) [ Vh @ M 窳 yǔ, yú | Dialecst: Cant. jyu5, Hakka ji3 | Shuowen: 《穴部》窳：污窬也。从穴㼌聲。朔方有窳渾縣。| Kangxi: 《康熙字典·穴部·十》窳：《唐韻》以主切《集韻》《韻會》勇主切，𠀤庾上聲。《說文》汚窬也。器空中。亦病也，惡也。惰也。《史記·五帝紀》器不苦 窳。又《貨殖傳》以故呰窳。《徐廣曰》呰窳，茍且惰懶之謂。又弱也。《枚乗·七發》手足惰窳。《李善註》窳，弱也。 | Guangyun: 庾 以主 以 虞 上聲 麌 合口三等 遇 虞 jĭu jyox／juu ]	*** low quality, corrupt, bad, useless, weak, dirty, powerless. Also: cracked, flaw.   {ID453075586}
đất	(1) thổ, (2) độ, (3) đỗ, (4) thẩu, (5) thó, (6) thố, (7) đất  土  tǔ (thổ) [ Vh @ M 土 tǔ, dù (thổ, độ, đỗ) < MC tho, dwo, du < OC *tha, *daʔ, *do | Li Fang-Kuei: OC *dagx | FQ 他魯 | cđ MC 遇合一上姥透 | Dialecst: Cant. tou2, Hakka tu3 | Shuowen: 地之吐生物者也。二象地之下、地之中，物出形也。凡土之屬皆从土。它魯切 | Guangyun: (1) 土 他魯 透 模 上聲 麌 開口一等 遇 模 tʰu thox／thuu, (2) 杜 徒古 定 模 上聲 麌 開口一等 遇 模 dʰu dox／duu || Starostin: MC tho < OC *tha:ʔ (Chúý âmcuối -ʔ) | Also used for *d(h)a:? (MC do/, Pek. du\) roots of mulberry tree. | Proto-Austro-Asiatic: *tɛj, Proto-Katuic: *tɛ:(k) T?, Proto-Bahnaric: *teh T?, Khmer: ṭi: < OK ti, ti:, Proto-Pearic: *theʔ.A, Proto-Vietic: *tǝ:t, Proto-Monic: *ti:ʔ, Proto-Palaungic: *tɛʔ, Proto-Khmu: *teʔ, Khasi: pyrthei, Proto-Aslian: *(ʔǝ)tɛʔ, Proto-Viet-Muong: *tVk, Thomon: tǝt.31, Tum: tǝt.45 (Kh 767, 799; VHL 403; S-149) || Note: cf. 地 dì, Sino-Vietnamese địa, VS 'đất' (earth) | ¶ t- (th-) ~ đ-, -u ~ ôt, -ôc: td. tù 宊: đột; tú 圖: tù: dú 獨: độc; dù 督 :đốc; hù 忽 : hốt; bù 不: bất; bì 畢: tốt, bì 必: tất; gǔ 骨: cốt ;tủ 櫝 dú; đọc 讀 dú; táng 唐: đường; tán 談: đàm; tán 壇: đàn; tuǐ 腿: đùi; tòng 痛: đau; tóu 頭: đầu; tǎ 踏: đạp; tú 圖: đồ; tiáo 條: điều, diăn 點: điểm; shāo (thiêu): đốt 燒... ]	*** earth, soil, dust, land, ground, clay. Also: items made of earth, homemade, local, indigenous, unrefined, crude opium. Tu, family surname of Chinese origin   {ID7232}
đun	(1) đun, (2) hun  燉  dùn (đôn) [ Vh @ M 燉 dùn ~ hun \ ¶ d- ~ h- || M 燉 dùn, dūn, tún (đôn, đốn) < MC tun < OC *twən | Dialecst: Cant. dan6, deon6, Hakka dun1 | Kangxi: 《玉篇》 徒昆切 《集韻》 徒渾切 《正韻》 徒孫切，𠀤 音屯。 《玉篇》火盛貌。《廣韻》火色。　又 燉煌，郡名。 《漢書》 作 敦煌。 煌 大也。 詳前 煌 字 註。　又 《廣 韻》 《集韻》 𠀤 他昆切，音 暾。 義同。　又 與 焞 通。 || ex. 燉魚湯 dùn yútāng (đun canhcá), 藥燉排骨 Yàodùn páigǔ (thịsườn hầmthuốc), 燉水 dùnshuǐ (đunnước) ]	*** heat with fire, stew, brew, sim, broil, boil, glaring fire.
đúng	(1) đối, (2) đôi, (3) đúng  對  duì (đối) [ Vh @ M 對 duì ~ đúng 中 zhòng (trúng) | M 對 duì < MC toj < OC *tu:ts, *tu:ps | Dialects: Cant. deoi3, Hakka dui5 | Shuowen: 譍無方也。从丵从口从寸。對，對或从士。漢文帝以爲責對而爲言，多非誠對，故去其口以从士也。都隊切 文四，重二 | Kangxi: 《康熙字典·寸部·十一》對：《唐韻》都隊切《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》都內切，𠀤音碓。《說文》應無方也。本作𡭊。《爾雅·釋言》對，遂也。《疏》遂 者，因事之辭。《廣韻》答也。《增韻》揚也。《詩·大雅》以對于天下。《註》答天下仰望之心也。《書·說命》敢對揚天子之休命。又《禮·曲禮》侍坐於先 生，先生問焉，終，則對。《又》君子問更端，則起而對。《註》離席對也。又次對，轉對。《王球貽謀錄》唐百官入閤，有待制次對官。後唐天成中，廢待制次對 官，五日一次，內殿百官轉對。又當也，配也。《詩·大雅》帝作邦作對。《註》言擇其可當此國者而君之也。又對簿。《史記·李將軍傳》廣年六十餘矣，終不能 復對刀筆之吏。又敵也。《吳陸遜曰》劉備今在境界，此疆對也。又凡物𠀤峙曰對。《杜甫·萬丈潭詩》山危一徑盡，岸絕兩壁對。 | Guangyun: 對 都隊 端 灰 去聲 隊 合口一等 蟹 灰 tuɒi tuaih／tuoy || Starostin: to respond, answer. Probably < earlier *tu:p-s, cf. 荅 *t@:p ( < *tu:p). In Early Chou used also with a meaning 'show appreciation, thank' (Sch.: 'perhaps: respond with gratitude'); later usually used with a more general meaning ('respond, correspond' >) 'be contrary to, opposite to'. || ex. 對質 duìzhí (đốichất), 對答 duìdá (đốiđáp), 對聯 duìlián (đôiliễm) ]	*** respond, right, answer, correspond to, correct, that is right, be contrary to, opposite to, oppose, rival. Also: a pair, a couple, couplet.
đừnghòng	đừnghòng 甭想 béngxiăng (bằngtưởng) [ Vh @ M 甭想 béngxiăng | M 想 xiăng < MC sjɑŋ < OC *saŋʔ ]	*** no dice, no way, don't imagine that it's possible, can whistle for, don't think, over my dead body, never.
gánh	(1) kiên, (2) dốc, (3) triền, (4) nghiêng, (5) khiêng, (6) gánh  掮  qián (kiên) [ Vh @ M 掮 qián​ ~ ht. M 肩 jiān, xián, hén < MC kien, ɠien < OC *ke:n, *ghe:n, *ghə:n | Dialecst: Cant. kin4, Hakka gien1, ken2 || Handian: ◎ 掮 qián〈動〉(1)〈方〉∶ 把東西放在肩上運走. 只見外邊有人掮了一卷行李。 ——《老殘遊記》 (2) 又如: 掮鷹放鷂 (喻指不務正業的紈褲惡少的行經);掮洋錢(比喻墊錢。 指舊時妓院中的娘姨、大姐借錢給妓女) ]	*** carry on shoulders, bear on the shoulders. Also: slope.
ănnhậu	應酬  yìngchóu (ứngthù) [ Vh @# M 應酬 yìngchóu \ Vh @ 應 yìng ~ 'ăn' \ ¶ y- ~ Ø-, @ 酬 chóu ~ 'nhậu' \ ¶ ch- ~ nh- | M 應 yìng, yīng < MC ʔiŋ < OC *ʔəŋ, *ʔəŋs || M 酬 chóu < MC dʒǝw < OC *dhu ]	*** social niceties, social interaction, dinner party, socializing in banquet and drinking event, Also: (alcoholic), eating and drinking, have a drink, indulge in drinking.
bậnviệc	(1) làmăn, (2) mầnăn, (3) mắcbận, (4) bậnviệc  忙活  mánghuó (manghoạt) [ Vh @# M 忙活 mánghuó \ Vh @ 忙 máng ~ mần, bận, @ 活 huó ~ 'mắc', 'ăn', 'việc' | M 忙 máng < MC mjəŋ < OC *ma:ŋ || M 活 huó, guō (hoạt, quạt) < MC ɠwʌt, kwʌt < OC *ghwa:t || Handian: 忙活 mánghuó 亦作“ 忙合 ”。亦作 “ 忙乎 ”。 亦作 “ 忙火 ”。猶忙碌。權寬浮《牧場雪蓮花》： “你 是 不要命 了，忙活 一整天 還不 睡覺。” 端木蕻良 《曹雪芹》 第十四 章： “曹霑 在 一旁 直 忙活，時不時 地 用 漿糊 去 粘一粘。” ]	*** be busy, occupied, preoccupied, unavailable, busy with something, bustle about. Also: work rapidly, urgent work, (Viet.), work, labor, earn a living
bắpngô	(1) bắp, (2) ngôbắp, (3) bắpngô  苞米  bāo​mǐ (baomễ) [ Viet. 'bắp' ®<~ 'bắpngô' <~ Vh @ M 苞米 bāo​mǐ ~ M 包米 bāo​mǐ \ Vh @ hâ. '苞 bāo ~ 'bắ' + '-p ' 米 mǐ \ ¶ m- ~ p- | M 苞 bāo < MC paw < OC *paɨw || M 米 mǐ < MC míej < OC *mhījʔ, *mhījɛ || ex. 今年的包米大丰收了. Jīnnián de bāo mǐ dà fēngshōule. (Nămnay bắpngô thuhoạch lớn.) ]	*** corn, maize.
bắtgiọng	拋腔  pāoqiāng (phaokhang) [ Vh @ M 拋腔 pāoqiāng | M 拋 (抛) pāo, pào < MC phaw < OC *phaɨw, *phɛw || M 腔 qiāng (xoang, khang) < MC khjawŋ < OC *khaɨwŋ || Handian: 拋腔 pāoqiāng 猶開腔，開口說話。 端木蕻良《科爾沁旗草原》十五：“劉老二才又說：'大爺，他是想走這個買賣，跟我拋腔，我沒理他，他說過五月三十，再不贖就撕票了！'” ]	**** clear throat to talk, start to talk, start to sing.
bâygiờ	(1) lầnnầy, (2) phiênnày, (3) phennày, (4) bậnnày, (5) bâychừ, (6) bâygiờ  今番  jīnfān (kimphiên) [ Vh @ M 今番 jīnfān \ Vh @ 番 fān ~ lần, phen, bây | M 今 jīn < MC kim < OC *krjəm | FQ 居吟 | ¶ j- ~ n- || M 番 fān, bān, fán, fàn, pàn, pān, bò, bō, bò, pó (phiên, phan, ba, bà) < MC phwjən, pwʌ, bwʌ < OC *phar, *pa:r, *ba:r || Handian: 今番 jīnfān 這回，此次。 元 楊文奎《兒女團圓》第三折：“你今番去了，再幾時來也。” 《三國演義》第一○一回：“今番若不掃清奸黨，恢復中原，誓不見陛下也！”《兒女英雄傳》第十四回：“今番我遇見這褚家娘子又是這等的通達人情。” 《西遊記》第五二回：“ 行者駡道：'你這潑魔，今番坐定是死了！'” ]	*** this time, this time today, now.
bĩumôi	(1) trềmôi, (2) bĩumôi  撇嘴  piě​zuǐ (pháchchuỷ) [ Vh @ M 撇嘴 piě​zuǐ \ Vh @ 嘴 zuǐ ~ môi | M 撇 piē, piě ~ M 丿 piě | M 撇 piě (phách) < MC pjat < OC *pɛt || M 嘴 zuǐ < MC tsjwɜ < OC *tsjojʔ ]	*** (in disdain, disbelief or disappointment), curl one's lip, twitch one's mouth.
bờcõi	(1) biêncương, (2) võibờ, (3) bờcõi  邊疆  biānjiāng (biêncương) [ Vh @# M 邊疆 biānjiāng \ Vh @ 邊 biān ~ bờ, @ 疆 jiāng ~ cõi | M 邊 biān, niăo < MC pien < OC *pe:n || M 畺 (疆) jiāng < MC kjaŋ < OC *kjaŋ || Ex. 開發邊疆 kāifă biānjiāng (mởmang bờcõi) ]	*** border area, borderland, frontier, frontier region.
bồnhoa	(1) bồnbông, (2) bồnhoa  花盆  huā​pén (SV haobồn) [ Vh @# M 花盆 huā​pén \ Vh @ 花 huā ~ 'bông' \ Dialect: Cant. 花 /faa1/ ~ 'bông' 葩 pā (ba) | M 花 (蘤) huā < MC xwa < OC *sŋrōjs ]	*** flower pot
bưngbít	(1) bítmờ, (2) bịtmắt, (3) bịtmặt, (4) bưngbít 蒙蔽 méngbì (SV môngtế) [ Vh @ M 蒙蔽 méngbì \ Vh @ 蒙 méng ~ bưng, mờ, mắt <~ mặt {mặtnạ <~ 蒙面 méngmiàn (môngdiện)', @ 蔽 bì ~ bít, bịt || M 蒙 méng, mēng, měng, máng, móu < MC muŋ < OC *moŋ || M 蔽 bì, piē, fú (tế, phất) < MC pjej < OC *pets || Ex. 偏見常常蒙蔽了判斷. Piānjiàn chángcháng méngbì le pànduàn. (Thiênkiến thường bítmờ sựphánđoán.), 蒙蔽群眾 méngbì qúnzhòng (bưngbít quầnchúng) ]	*** hide the truth from, befool, befudle, cheat, deceive, delude, hoodwink, hoodwinking, conceal
phỉnhphờ	(1) bịpbợm, (2) phỉnhphờ 矇騙 méngbiàn (SV môngphiến) [ Viet. 'bịpbợm' @& '騙 piàn (bịp, phỉnh)' + '騙 piàn (bợm, phờ)' tl. ~ Vh @# QT 矇騙 méngbiàn \ Vh @ 矇 méng ~ 'bợm, @ 騙 piàn ~ 'bịp' || M 騙 piàn < MC phjɜn < OC *phens ||M 矇 méng, měng, mēng < MC məwŋ < OC *məwŋ ]	*** to fool, hoodwink, dupe somebody , cheat, swindle, deceive, deceit, deception
cánhđồng	田間  tián​jiān (SV điềngian) [ Vh @# M 田間 tián​jiān​ \ Vh @ 田 tián ~ 'đồng', @ 間 jiān ~ cánh | M 田 (佃) tián < MC dien < OC *lhi:n (Chúý âmđầu l-) || M 間 jiān, jiàn, xián < MC kɒn, kan, ɠan < OC *kre:n, *kre:ns, *ghre:n || Handian: (1) 田地裡。老舍《駱駝祥子》三：“走到什麼地方了？不想問了，雖然田間已有男女來作工。” (2) 泛指農村、鄉間。 宋 蘇軾《答錢濟明書》：“聞魯直、 無咎輩皆起，而公獨為猘子所囓，尚棲遲田間。” ]	*** field, farm, farming area, among the fields. Also: village, country, countryside,
caocả	高貴 gāoguì (SV caoquý) [ Vh @ M 高貴 gāoguì / Vh @ 貴 guì ~ 'cả' { <~ /kwej5/ } | M 貴 guì (quý, quí) < MC kwui < OC *kuts ]	****** noble, grandeur, elevated, of high moral value.
cắtgiảm	(1) khấugiảm, (2) cắtgiảm  扣減  kòujiǎn (khấugiảm) [ Vh @# M 扣減 kòujiǎn | M 扣 kòu (khấu, khẩu) < MC khəw < OC *khəw ]	***(from the whole), cut down, deduct, reduce, dock.
cậtrruột	(1) cốtnhục, (2) cậtrruột  骨肉  gǔ​ròu (cốtnhục) [ Vh @ M 骨肉 gǔ​ròu | M 骨 gǔ, gū, gù < MC kot < OC *kūt || M 肉 ròu < MC ɳʊk < OC *nhikʷ, *nhuk ]	*** blood relation, kin, one's flesh and blood, blood.
cầutạm	便橋  biàn​qiáo (tiệnkiều) [ Vh @# M 便橋 biàn​qiáo \ VHh @ 便 biàn ~ tạm 暫 zàn​ | M 便 biàn, pián, piàn < MC bjèn < OC *bens < PC **pèn || M 橋 (喬) qiáo, qiāo, jiào, jiăo, gāo < MC gew, khew < OC *gaw, *khaw ]	*** temporary bridge.
chotiền	(1) quyêntiền, (2) chotiền  捐錢 juānqián (quyêntiền) [ Vh @ M 捐錢 juānqián | M 捐 juān, juăn < MC jwen < OC *wen ]	**** ( donate money, contribute money, donate, donation.
chônvùi	(1) maitáng, (2) đámma, (3) tangma, (4) machay, (5) vùichôn, (6) chônvùi 埋葬  máizàng (SV maitáng) [ Vh @# M 埋葬 máizàng \ Vh @ 埋 mái (mai) ~ 'vùi' \ ¶ m- ~ v-, 'ma' 魔 mó (ma), @ 葬 zàng ~ 'chôn', 'đám' || M 埋 mái, mán < MC maj < OC *mrǝ̄ || M 葬 zàng < MC tsaŋ < OC *tsaŋ || § 殯葬 bìnzàng (đámma) ]	*** bury, burial, Also: (Viet), funeral. }
chophép	(1) phêchuẩn, (2) chophép  批准  pìzhǔn (phêchuẩn) [ Vh @# M 批准 pìzhǔn \ Vh @ 批 pì ~ phép, @ 准 zhǔn ~ cho | M 批 pī < MC phiej < OC *phɪj || M 准 (準) zhǔn < MC tʂyn < OC *tɕwin ]	*** allow, permit, ratify, (law, rule, treaty, bill), pass.
chuẩny	准予  zhǔnyǔ (chuẩndữ) [ Viet. 'chophép' @& '准法 zhǔnfă (chuẩnpháp)' ~ Vh @# M 准予 zhǔnyǔ \ Vh @ 准 zhǔn ~ cho | M 准 (準) zhǔn < MC tʂyn < OC *tɕwin || M 予 yǔ, yù, yú (dư, dữ) < MC jo < OC *ɫa || ex. 准予離境. Zhǔnyǔ líjǐng. (Chuẩny xuấtcảnh.) ]	*** approve, allow, permit, grant,
cơbụng	腹肌  fù​jī​ (phúccơ) [ Vh @# M 腹肌 fù​jī​ | M 腹 fù < pʊk < OC *puk ]	*** abdominal muscle.
consâu	(1) consán, (2) contrùng, (3) contrùn, (4) congiun, (5) consâu  蟲子  chóng​zi​ (SV trùngtử) [ Vh @# M 蟲子 chóng​zi​, @ 子 zǐ ~ 'con' \ Dialect: Fukienese /kẽ/|| M 蟲 chóng < MC ɖʊŋ < OC *ɫhuŋ || M 子 zī, zǐ, zì, zí, zi, cí (tử, tý) < MC tsjɤ, tsjy < OC *cɑʔ *cɑʔs || Ex. 瓢蟲 piáochóng (sâubọ)) ]	*** insect, bug. Also: worm
cổxưa	(1) cổthời, (2) thờicổ, (3) cổxưa  古時  gǔ​shí​ (cổthời) [ Vh @# M 古時 gǔ​shí​ | M 時 shí (thời, thì) < MC ʐy < OC *dhjə, *dhə ]	*** ( antiquity, ancient times, an age in the remote past.
cùichỏ	(1) khuỷtay, (2) khuỷutay, (3) cùitay, (4) cùichỏ  手肘  shǒuzhǒu (thủtrửu) [ Vh @# M 手肘 shǒuzhǒu \ Vh @ 手 shǒu ~ tay, chỏ, @ 肘 zhǒu ~ cùi, khuỷu | M 手 shǒu < MC ʂjəw < OC *ɫhuʔ || M 肘 zhǒu < MC ʈəw < OC *truʔ, *triwʔ ]	*** elbow.
dânquèn	(1) tiệndân, (2) dânhèn, (3) dânquèn  賤民  jiàn​mín​ (tiệndân) [ Vh @# M 賤民 jiàn​mín​ || M 賤 jiàn < MC tʒjen < OC *tʒhenʔs ]	*** social stratum below the level of ordinary people, (India caste), dalit, untouchable.
đềnđài	(1) đềnthờ, (2) điệnthờ, (3) đềnđài  殿堂  diàn​táng (điệnđường) [ Vh @ M 殿堂 diàn​táng | M 殿 diàn (điện, điến) < MC tien < OC *tǝ̄ns, *tǝ̄rs, *dǝ̄ns, *dǝ̄rs || M 堂 táng < MC ʈaŋ < OC *daŋ || Handian: 宮殿；高大堂屋。戰國楚宋玉《神女賦》：“步裔裔兮曜殿堂。”《三國志·魏志·鍾毓傳》：“夫策貴廟勝，功尚帷幄，不下殿堂之上，而決胜千里之外。” ]	*** temple hall, palace, hall. Also: temple buildings.}
đìuhiu	(1) tiêuđiều, (2) suythoái, (3) hiuhắt, (4) hắthiu, (5) đìuhiu  蕭條  xiāotiáo (tiêuđiều) [ Viet. 'suythoái' @ '衰退 shuāituì' | Vh @# M 蕭條 xiāotiáo | M 蕭 xiāo ~ ht. M 瀟 xiāo < MC siew < OC *si:w || M 條 tiáo, dí (điều, thiêu) < MC diew < OC *li:w | FQ 徒聊 || ex. 經濟蕭條 jīngjì xiāotiáo (kinhtế tiềuđều), 宋 Sòng (Tống) · 姜夔 Jiāng Kuí (Khương Quỳ) 《揚州慢》 (Dươgnchâu Mạn) : '四顧蕭條. Sìgù xiāotiáo (Bốnbề hiuhắt)', 經濟大蕭條 Jīngjì dà xiāotiáo. (đạisuythoái kinhtế) ]	*** desolate, bleak, dreary, gloomy, depressed. Also: few, (economic) depression. }
gâyra	誘發  yòu​fā​ (dụphát) [ Vh @ M 誘發 yòu​fā​ | M 誘 yǒu, yòu < MC jəw < OC *luʔ || M 發 fā, fă, fà, bō, fèi < MC pjyat, pat, pwat, pwʌt < OC *puat, *pwǝt, *pāt ]	*** cause, bring about, induce, incite.
giàgiặn	(1) kinhnghiệm, (2) dàydạn, (3) dạndày, (4) dàydặn, (5) giàgiặn  經驗  jīngyàn (kinhnghiệm) [ Vh @# M 經驗 jīngyàn | M 經 jīng < MC kieŋ < OC *keŋ || M 驗 yàn < MC ŋiam < OC ŋiam || Handian: ◎ 經驗 jīngyàn (1) 從多次實踐中得到的知識或技能. (2) 人親身經歷。 茅盾 《追求》三：“自殺不成而反多經驗了痛苦。” (3) 感性經驗。 哲學上指人們在同客觀事物直接接觸的過程中通過感覺器官獲得的關於客觀事物的現象和外部聯繫的認識。辯證唯物主義認為，經驗是在社會實踐中產生的，是客觀 事物在人們頭腦中的反映，是認識的開端。但經驗有待於深化，有待上升到理論。 在日常生活中，亦指對感性經驗所進行的概括總結，或指直接接觸客觀事物的過程。 ]	**** experience, experience, draft, knowledge, lesson, moxie, proof, practice, spin, taste.   {ID453064272}
gỏi	(1) khoái, (2) gỏi  膾  kuài (khoái) [ Vh @ M 膾 (鱠) kuài < MC kwʌj < OC * kwats | Dialecst: Cant. kui2, Hakka kwai2 | Shuowen: 細切肉也。从肉會聲。古外切 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》𠀤古外切，音儈。《玉篇》肉細切者爲膾。《釋名》膾，會也。細切肉令散，分其赤白異切之，已，乃會合和之也。《韻會》 肉腥細者爲膾，大者爲軒。《禮·曲禮》膾炙處外。　又《博雅》膾，割也。　又《廣韻》魚膾。《詩·小雅》炰龞膾鯉。　又《韻會》國名。堯欲伐宗膾。宗膾， 小蕃國。　《集韻》或从魚。鱠。| Guangyun: 儈 古外 見 泰合 去聲 泰 合口一等 泰 蟹 kuad／kuay kuɑi ]	**** mince food, minced vegetable, chopped meat, chopped fish. Also: mixed minced salad with meat,
gởithân	(1) bỏthân, (2) bỏmình, (3) bỏmạng, (4) gởimình, (5) gởithân  委身  wěishēn (SV uỷthân) [ Vh @ M 委身 wěishēn | M 委 wěi, wēi < MC ʔwɜ < OC ʔwɒjʔ || M 身 shēn < MC ʂin OC *slin || Handian: 委身 wěishēn (1) 托身，以身事人 (gởithân)。 魯迅《漢文學史綱要》第六篇：“ 秦既焚燒詩書，坑諸生於咸陽，儒者乃往往伏匿民間，或則委身於敵以舒憤怨。” (2) 棄身。(bỏmình) 漢 劉向《說苑·建本》：“今子委身以待暴怒，立體而不去，殺身以陷父不義，不孝孰是大乎？” (3) 置身，寄身。(gởithân) 清 蒲松齡《聊齋誌異·仇大娘》：“四體漸以不仁，委身牀榻。” 鄒韜奮《戲問》：“新聞記者－－尤其是委身言論方面的新聞記者－－應看清客觀的環境。”(4) 女子將身體交給男人 (gởimình)。 謂嫁給男子。郭沫若《中國史稿》第一編第三章第一節：“男子成了維繫氏族的中心……這就要求婦女委身於男子，履行生兒育女的義務。” (5) 脫身。 唐 杜甫《奉贈李八丈曛判官》詩：“垂白辭南翁，委身希北叟。” ]	*** give oneself to, vow. Also: lose one's life in, die, sacrfìice.
hànhhạ	(1) dằnvặt, (2) hànhxác, (3) hànhhạ  折騰  zhē​teng (SV chiếtđằng) [ Viet. 'dằnvặt' <~ trằntrọc' <~ Vh @# M 折騰 zhē​teng \ Vh @ 騰 téng ~ hành, trằn, dằn @ 折 zhé ~ hạ, xác, trọc, vặt (tl.) || M 折 zhé, shé, zhē, tí, (chiết, đề) < MC tsjet < OC *tat || M 騰 téng < MC dɤŋ < OC *ɫhjə:ŋ ]	*** toss from side to side (e.g. sleeplessly), toss and turn. Also: repeat something over and over again, cause suffering, cause trouble, torment somebody, drive crazy.
hôn	(1) vẫn, (2) miệng, (3) mòm, (4) mồm, (5) mõm, (6) mỏ, (7) môi, (8) mép, (9) hun, (10) hôn  吻  wěn (SV vẫn) [ Vh @ M 吻 (脗) wěn < MC mǘn, mun < OC *mhǝnʔ, *mɯnʔ | Pulleyblank: LM ʋyun < EM *ʋun, *mun | Dialects: Cant. man5, Hakka wut7 | Shuowen: 口邊 也。 从口 勿聲。， 吻 或 从 肉 从 昬。 武粉切。 清代 段玉裁 『說文解字注』 口邊也。 曲禮注云。 口旁 曰咡。 廣雅云。 咡 謂 之 吻。 考工記。 銳喙， 決吻。鄭曰。 吻，口腃也。 釋名曰。 吻， 免也 (/miệng/)。 抆 也 (/mồm/)。卷也。从口。勿聲。武粉切。 十三部。 勿聲 在 十五 部。 合韵 也。| Guangyun: 吻 吻 武粉 明 文 吻 上聲 三等 合口 文 臻 上十八吻 mi̯uən mĭuən miuən miuən mɨun miun mun wen3 myonx miuun 口吻武粉切七 || ZYYY: 吻 刎 微 真文開 真文 上聲 開口呼 ʋən || Mongolian phonology: khun wun ʋun 上聲 || Starostin: corner of lips, shut the lips (LZ) | ¶ w- ~ h-: td. 問 wèn (vấn) hỏi, 舞 wǔ (vũ) múa | x. ănkhớp 吻合 wěnhé ]	*** kiss, shut the lips, mouth, lips, corner of lips, kiss. Also: top, peak, beak, muzzle.
hư	(1) hủ, (2) phụ, (3) vữa, (4) bựa, (5) rữa, (6) hư  腐  fǔ (SV hủ) [ Vh @ M 腐 fǔ < MC bʊ, pu < OC *bhoʔ, *phu | Dialecst: Cant. fu2, fu6, Hakka fu5 | Shuowen: 爛也。 从肉 府聲。扶雨切 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》 扶雨切《集韻》《韻會》奉甫切《正韻》扶古切，音輔。 《說文》爛也。 《廣韻》朽也，敗也。 《禮·月令》季夏之月，腐草爲螢。 《詩·小雅·無浸穫薪箋》浸之則將濕腐，不中用也。又腐懦。 | Guangyun: 父 扶雨 並 虞 上聲 麌 合口三等 虞 遇 byox／biuu || Starostin: to rot, get spoiled (L.Zhou) Standard Sino-Viet. is hư (both this reading and Mand. fǔ point to an unattested MC variant *pu/ or *phu/). || § 朽 xǐu (hủ) rữa || Ex. 豆腐 dòufǔ (đậuphụ), 腐敗 fǔbài (hủbại) ]	*** get spoiled, rotten, to rot, decay, decayed, deteriorated
trăntrở	(1) giởchứng, (2) trởchứng, (3) thaothức, (4) trằntrọc, (5) trăntrở 輾轉 zhănzhuăn (triểnchuyển) [ Vh @ M 輾轉 zhănzhuăn \ Vh @ 輾 zhăn ~ trăn, chúng, thao, @ 轉 zhuăn ~ trở, giở, thức || M 輾 zhăn, niăn (triển, niễn) < MC ʈén < OC *tranʔ | FQ 知演 || ¶ zh- ~ th- || M 轉 zhuăn, zhuàn, zhuăi < MC ʈwɜn < OC *tronʔ | FQ 陟兗 || Ex. 【詩 Shī (Thi) ·周南 Zhōunán (Châunam) 】 輾轉 反側 Zhănzhuăn făncè (trằntrọc trăntrở), 昔何言而今復背之, 固 得 輾轉 若 此乎? Xī hé yán ěr jīn fúbèi zhī, gùdé zhănzhuăn ruò cǐ hū? (Xưa nói gì mà giờ bộiước, cớsao lại giởchứng nhưvậy hở?) ]	*** toss about, roll over in bed, unable to sleep, pass. Also: abnormal, go back on one's words, go through many places,
hếtmình	效命  xiàomìng (SV hiệumệnh) [ Vh @# M 效命 xiàomìng \ Vh @ 效 xiào ~ 'hết' | M 效 (効) xiào < MC ɠaw < OC *gra:ws || M 命 mìng (mệnh, mạng) < MC mɑiŋ < OC *mriŋs || Handian: 捨命 報效。 《史記·魏公子列傳》： “今 公子 有急， 此乃臣 效命 之 秋 也。 ” 三國 魏 曹植 《求自試表》： “竊不自量， 志 在 效命， 庶 立 毛髮 之 功， 以 報 所受 之 恩。” ]	*** go all out to serve somebody regardless of the consequences.
huàvào	(1) phụhoạ, (2) hoàvào, (3) huàvô, (4) huàvào  附和  fù​hè (phụhoạ) [ Vh @ M 附和 fù​hè || M 附 fù < MC fyuə < OC *buə || M 和 hé, huō, huò, huó, hú, hè, he, hàn (hoà, hoạ, hồ) < MC ɠwʌ < OC *ghwa:j, *ghwa:js ]	*** chime in with, repeat what others say, parrot, crib, copy somebody's action or words, echo. Also: trail somebody's footsteps, copycat.
khiếnchết	欠揍  qiàn​zòu (khiếmtấu) [ Vh @ M 欠揍 qiàn​zòu \ Vh @ 欠 qiàn ~ 'khiến', @ 揍 zòu ~ 'chết' || M 欠 qiàn < MC khǝm < OC *khams || M 揍 zòu < MC tsəw < OC *tsəw || Ex. 他總是尋隙找茬，我看就是欠揍。 Tā zǒng shì xúnxì zhǎochá, wǒ kàn jìushì qiànzòu. (Nó lúcnào cũa muốn kiếmchuyến, tao thấy nó khiếnchết.) ]	*** need a spanking, asshole,
khoáikhẩu​	可口  kě​kǒu​ (khảkhẩu) [ Vh @ M 可口 kě​kǒu​ || M 可 kě, kè (khả, khắc) < MC khjə < OC *kha:jʔ | cf. 合口  hé​kǒu​ (hạpkhẩu) ]	*** delicious, tasty, taste good, good to eat, palatable.
khôngchốngđỡnỗi	(1) chốngđỡkhôngnỗi, (2) khôngchốngđỡnỗi  不能抵抗  bù​néng​dǐ​kàng​ (SV bấtnăngđềkháng) [ Vh @# M 不能抵抗 bù​néng​dǐ​kàng​ \ Vh @ 抵 dǐ ~ đỡ, @ 抗 kàng ~ chống \ ¶ k- ~ ch- || M 不 bù, fōu, fǒu < MC pjəw < OC *pjə || M 能 néng, nái, nài, tái, tài, xióng < MC nɤŋ < OC *njə: || M 抵 dǐ (đề, để, chỉ) < MC tiej < OC *tǝ̄jʔ, *tǝ̄ījʔ || M 抗 kàng < MC khɑŋ < OC *kha:ŋs ]	*** irresistible,
lắcđầu	(1) gậtgù, (2) lắcđầu  搖頭  yáotóu (diêuđầu) [ Vh @ M 搖頭 yáotóu | M 搖 yáo (diêu, dao) < MC jiaw < OC *jiaw | ¶ y- ~ l-, § 葉 yè (diệp) lá || M 頭 tóu < MC dɤw < OC *dho: ]	*** shake one's head, shake head. }
làmviệc	(1) mầnăn, (2) làmăn, (3) làmviệc  幹活  gànhuó (cánhoạt) [ Vh @ M 幹活 gànhuó \ Vh @ 幹 gàn ~ làm, mần 忙 máng (mang), @ 活 huó ~ việc \ ¶ hw- ~ Ø -, v- | M 幹 gàn < MC kaʌn < OC *ka:rs || M 活 huó < MC ɠwʌt < OC *ghwa:t || ex. 春忙時, 他回老家幫爹媽幹活. Chūn mángshí, tā huílǎojiā bāng diē mā gàn huó. (Vào xuân khibận, nó vềquê giúp cha làmviệc.) ]	**** work, labor, earn a living.
lắng	(1) đình, (2) đọng, (3) lắng  渟  tíng (SV đình) [ Vh @ M 渟 tíng, tīng < MC deŋ < OC *dheŋ | Dialects: Cant. ting4, Hẹ tin2 | Kangxi: 《廣韻》 特丁切 《集韻》 《韻會》 《正韻》 唐丁切， 𠀤 音庭。 《埤蒼》 渟，水止也。 《史記·李斯傳》決渟水致之海。 或作亭。 《前漢·西域傳》 其水 亭居。 又 與 停同。 《後漢·趙岐傳》渟車呼與共載。又《集韻》​​湯丁切，音廳。與汀同。水際平地也。 | Guangyun: 庭 特丁 定 青開 平聲 青 開口四等 梗 青 dʰieŋ deng ]	*** stagnate, stagnant water.
láu	(1) lại, (2) tại, (3) lấy, (4) lá, (5) làng, (6) láu 賴 lài (lại) [ Vh @ M 賴 (頼) lài, lái < MC lʌj < OC *rha:ts | Shuowen: 贏也。从貝剌聲。洛帶切 | Kangxi: 【書·大禹謨】萬世永賴。【疏】萬代常所恃賴。又【史記·高祖紀】大人常以臣無賴。【註】晉灼曰： 賴，利也。無利於家也。或曰江淮之閒謂小兒多詐狡猾爲無賴。　又【揚子·方言】予賴，讎也。南楚之外曰賴，秦晉曰讎。【註】賴，亦惡名。又姓。【風俗通】交阯太守賴先。【玉海】賴氏，國名。漢有校尉賴丹。又【韻補】叶力制切。【班固·答賓戲】福不盈眥，禍溢于世，凶人且以自悔，况吉士而是賴。○按 《說文》从貝剌聲。俗作頼。非。|| Starostin: to gain; lean on, depend on, rely on. For *rh- cf. Xiamen nai6, Chaozhou lai4, Fuzhou lai5. || Ex. 耍無賴 shuăwúlài (chơiláucá), 耍賴 shuălài (xỏlá), 依賴 yìlài (nhờvả), 賴賬 làizhàng (chạylàng), 賴玉祥 Lài Yùxiáng (Lại Ngọc-Tường), 這事情發生也不賴他. Zhè shìqíng fāshēng yě bù lài tā. (Chuyện nầy xảyra cũng chẳngphải tại nó.) ]	*** disclaim, bilk, accuse falsely, go back on one's word, hold on in a place, stay, blame … wrongly, Also:, bad, poor, rely, rely on, to gain, profit, lean on, depend on
bámtheo	(1) bồtèo, (2) butheo, (3) bámtheo  伴隨  bàn​suí (SV bạntuỳ) [ Vh @# M 伴隨 bàn​suí​ \ Vh @ 隨 suí ~ 'theo', 'tèo' (tl.), @ 伴 bàn ~ 'bồ' || M 隨 suí	*** follow, accompany, occur together with, concomitant. Also: (Viet.), buddy, tailgate.
bểbụng	捧腹  pěng​fù​ (SV phủngphục) [ Vh @# M 捧腹 pěng​fù​ || M 捧 pěng < MC phouŋ < OC *phoŋʔ || M 腹 fù < pʊk < OC *puk || Handian: 捧腹 pěng​fù​ (1) 用手捧著肚子。 形容大笑時的情態。 《史記·日者列傳》：“ 司馬季主捧腹大笑。” (2) 用以稱笑，大笑。 郭沫若 《洪波曲》第十四章五：“說起這一番宴客，倒可是一場錯中錯的滑稽插劇，回憶起來頗足令人捧腹。”|| Ex. 這段小品令人捧腹大笑。 Zhè duàn xiǎopǐn lìng rén pěngfù dàxiào. (Tiểuphẩm ngắn nầy làm khángiả cười bểbụng.) ]	*** (literally), hold one's belly with both hands, hold one's belly laughing, split one's sides laughing, uproarious, hilarious.
biếnglười	(1) làmbiếng, (2) lườibiếng, (3) biếnglười  發懶  fālǎn (phátlãn) [ Vh @# M 發懶 fālǎn \ Vh @ 發 fā ~ 'biếng' | M 發 fā, fă, fà, bō, fèi < MC pjyat < OC *puat || M 懶 (嬾) lăn (lãn, lại) < MC lʌn < OC *ra:n || Handian: 發懶 fālǎn 感到疲倦，沒力氣。 如：身子發懶，可能感冒了。|| Note: (1) (動) 懶惰而不想做事。 (1) (動) 因身體或心情不好而不想動彈 ]	*** feel lazy, feel sluggish.
cắtgiảm	(1) tàigiảm, (2) cắtgiảm  裁減  cáijiăn (tàigiảm) [ Vh @ M 裁減 cáijiăn \ Vh @ 裁 cái ~ 'cắt' 隔 gē (cat) | M 裁 cái, zài < MC tsaj < OC *dzəj || td. 裁減軍備 cáijiănjūnbèi (tàigiảmquânbị) ]	*** reduce, cut down, reduce, lessen
càthắt	(1) thắt, (2) cột, (3) cài, (4) cộtthắt, (5) càthắt  系上  xìshàng (hệthượng) [ Vh @#® M 系上 xìshàng \ Vh @ 系 xì ~ cột, cài, @ 上 shàng ~ thắt | M 系 xì < MC ɣiej < OC *ges, *geks || M 上 shàng, shăng (thượng, thướng) < MC ʂhaŋ < OC *ʥɨaŋ ]	*** buckle up, fasten.
chà	(1) thát, (2) chà  礤  cǎ​ (thát) [ Vh @# M 礤 cǎ ~ ht. M 擦 cā < MC tʂat < OC *srat| Dialect: Cant. ​caat3, Hakka cat7 | Kangxi: 《廣韻》《集韻》七曷切，音攃。《玉篇》粗石也。又同攃，摩也。 | Guangyun: 攃 七曷 清 曷 入聲 曷 開口一等 寒 山 chat／cat tsʰɑt ]	*** kitchen implement for grating vegetables, shredder, grater. Also: grindstone, rough rock, grind, rub.
chếtkhô	(1) khôchết, (2) chếtkhô  枯死  kūsǐ (khôtử) [ Vh @# M 枯死 kūsǐ | M 死 sǐ < MC sji < OC *sijʔ || Handian: (1) 枯萎而死。 《史記·殷本紀》：“ 太戊從之，而祥桑枯死而去。” 漢 王充《論衡·氣壽》：“物有為實，枯死而墮；人有為兒，夭命而傷。” (2) 指死亡。 劉白羽《血與水》：“但人絕不能在肉體還活著時而靈魂卻已經枯死。” ]	*** wilt, wither, died up, wilted, withered. Also: die.
chiếckiệu	(1) cáikiệu, (2) chiếckiệu  轎子  jiào​zi​ (kiệutử) [ Vh @# 轎子 jiào​zi​ \ Vh @ 子 zǐ ~ chiếc, cái 個 gè (cá) | M 子 zī, zǐ, zì, zí, zi, cí (tử, tý) < MC tsjɤ, tsjy < OC *cɑʔ *cɑʔs]	*** a sedan chair, sedan, palanquin, litter.
chiêu	(1) tả, (2) đỡ, (3) đày, (4) trái, (5) chiêu  左  zuǒ (tả) [ Vh @ M 左 zuǒ < MC cʌ < OC *ca:jʔ | FQ 臧可 | ¶ z- ~ đ-, tr- | Dialecst: Cant. zo2, Hakka zo3, TrC zo2 | Shuowen: 手相左助也。从𠂇、工。凡左之屬皆从左。則箇切〖注〗臣鉉等曰：今俗別作佐。| Guangyun: (1) 左 臧可 精 歌 上聲 哿 開口一等 歌 果 cax／zaa tsɑ , (2) 佐 則箇 精 歌 去聲 箇 開口一等 歌 果 cah／zah tsɑ || Starostin: be left (side), be to the left. In some inscriptions glossed also as 'to oppose' which is rather dubious. Etymologically connected is 佐 OC *ca:j?-s, MC ca^\, Mand. zuo^ (phonetically under the influence of 左) 'to help, assist' q.v. || Ghichú: chiêu (1) Bêntrái hoặc thuộc bêntrái; phânbiệt với đăm. | td. (tục ngữ) Chân đăm đá chân chiêu. Tay chiêu đập niêu không vỡ. || ex. 左側 zuǒcè (cạnhtrái), 左派 zuǒpài (tảphái), 左遷 zuǒqiān (điđày), 想左了 xiăngzuǒle (nghĩ trái), 意見相左 yìjiàn xiāngzuǒ (ýkiến tráinhau), 做左 zuòzuǒ (làmtrái), 說左了Shuō zuǒle. (Nói trái mất.) ]	*** left, to the left, left-leaning, towards the left, progressive, inclined towards the revolution, biased, wrong, queer, odd, different. Also: assist, help, regard somebody as an outsider, different, remote, banish from the court.
cósaonóivậy	(1) cứviệcnóithiệt, (2) cứviệcnóithực, (3) cứviệcnóithật, (4) cósaonóivậy  實話實說  shí​huà​shí​shuō (thựcthoạithựcthuyết) [ Vh @# M 實話實說 shí​huà​shí​shuō | M 實 shí < MC ʑit < OC *lit || M 話 huà < MC ɠwɑi < OC *ghwra:ts || M 說 shuō, tuō, shuì, yuè < MC ʂwet, ʂwej < OC *ɬwet, *ɬot ]	*** tell the truth, tell it as it is, speak frankly, not beat about the bush, not mince words, talk straight.
cườngdương	(1) trángdương, (2) cườngdương  壯陽  zhuàngyáng (trángdương) [ Vh @ M 壯陽 zhuàngyáng \ VHh @ 壯 zhuàng ~ 'cường' 強 qiáng | M 壯 zhuàng, zhuàn, zhuān < MC tʂuaŋ < OC *tʂɨaŋ || Handian: (1) 強盛的陽氣。古代陰陽五行說認為春、夏主陽，秋、冬主陰，陽氣至夏季最盛。 宋 歐陽修 《大熱》詩之一：“壯陽當用事，大夏蒸炎歊。” (2) 中醫術語。猶言強腎。中醫學認為：腹為陰，腎為陰中之陰，腎虛者應補陽，故稱。參閱《素問·金匱真言 論》。]	*** strengthen yang-qi, Yang Power, (TCM) to build up one's kidney yang,Also:,boost male sex drive, ancient Chinese viagra-like herb.
đẻtrứng	(1) sanhtrứng, (2) sinhtrứng, (3) đẻtrứng  卵生  luǎnshēng (noãnsinh) [ Vh @ M 卵生 luǎnshēng \ Vh @ 卵 luăn ~ trứng 蛋 dàn (đản) | M 卵 luăn < MC lwʌn < OC *rhonʔ || M 生 shēng (sinh, sanh) < MC ʂɒiŋ ~ ʂɑiŋ < OC *shreŋ, *shreŋs || Handian: 動物的幼體由離開母體的卵孵化出來. || ex. 鳥是卵生動物. Niǎo shì luǎnshēng dòngwù. (Chim là loài thú đẻtrứng.) ]	*** oviparous, oviparity, ovipara.
dịudàng	(1) nhịpnhàng, (2) nhẹnhàng, (3) nhịpnhàng, (4) dịudàng  輕悠悠  qīngyōuyōu (khinhdudu) [ Vh @#® M 輕悠悠 qīngyōuyōu | M 輕 qīng, qìng (khinh, khánh) < MC khjeŋ < OC *kheŋ | ¶ q-, x- ~ nh- || M 悠 yōu, yóu < MC jǝw, zhǝw < OC *lhu ]	*** leisurely, gently, quietly, ethereally, (of a sound or a music), melodious, gently.
độchừng	大致  dà​zhì (đạichí) [ Vh @ M 大致 dà​zhì \ Vh @ 大 dà ~ độ | M 大 (太) dà, duò, dài, dăi, tài (đại, thái) < MC dɒj, thɒj < OC *dha:ts, *tha:ts || M 致 zhì < MC ʈi < OC *trits ]	*** more or less, roughly, approximately.
đỏhồng	(1) đơnhồng, (2) đỏhồng  丹紅  dānhóng (đanhồng) [ Vh @ M 丹紅 dānhóng | M 丹 dān < MC tan < OC *dan || Handian: 丹紅 dānhóng 赤色。南朝梁簡文帝《新成安樂宮》詩：“遙看雲霧中，刻桷映丹紅。” ]	*** pink, ligh red
dốigian	(1) giấugiếm, (2) giấudiếm, (3) ẩngiấu, (4) giấunhẹm, (5) giấunhặm, (6) giandối, (7) dốigian  隱瞞  yǐnmán (ẩnmạn) [ Viet. 'ẩngiấu' @& ' 隱 yǐn (ẩn) + 隱 yǐn (giấu) | Vh @ M 隱滿 yǐnmán \ Nh @ & 隱 yǐn ~ dối 欺 qī (khi), @ 滿 mán ~ gian 奸 jiān | M 隱 yǐn < MC ʔyn < OC *ʔjənʔ || M 瞞 mán (man, môn) < MC mwʌn < OC *mār ]	*** hide, hidden, secret, conceal, cover up, concealed, behind the scene, cheat, lie, betray.
đậunành	(1) đậuvàng, (2) đậunành 黃豆 huángdòu (hoàngđậu) [ Vh @# QT 黃豆 huángdòu \ Vh @ 黃 huáng ~ 'nành' \ ¶ hw- ~ n- | M 黃 huáng < MC gwɒŋ < OC *ghwa:ŋ ]	****, soybean, Also:, yellow bean, yellow pea
độngđá	(1) thạchđộng, (2) hangđá, (3) độngđá  石洞  shí​dòng​ (thạchđộng) [ Vh @# M 石洞 shí​dòng \ VH @ 洞 dòng ~ 'hang' \ ¶ d- ~ h- | M 石 shí, dàn < MC tsjak < OC *djak || M 洞 dòng < MC duŋ < OC *ɫhōŋs ]	*** cave, cavern
đụngchạm	(1) giaophong, (2) đụngchạm  交鋒  jiāo​fēng (giaophong) [ Vh @# M 交鋒 jiāo​fēng​ | M 交 jiāo < MC kɑw < OC *kra:w || M 鏠 (鋒) fēng ~ ht. M 蓬 péng < MC buŋ < OC *bhoŋ ]	*** (with someone), cross swords, have a confrontation, confront.
đừnghòng	甭想 béngxiăng (bằngtưởng) [ Vh @# QT 甭想 béngxiăng | M 想 xiăng < MC sjɑŋ < OC *saŋʔ || Handian: ◎ 甭 béng “不用”的合音 (一般認為是方言詞), 相當於“不用”, “不要”。]	****** don't you ever think of, do not expect.
gàquay	烤鷄 kăojī (khảokê) [ Vh @# QT 烤鷄 kăojī \ Vh @ 烤 kăo ~ quay, @ 鷄 jī ~ 'gà' | M 烤 kăo < MC khaw < OC *khawʔ || M 雞 (鷄) jī < MC kiej < OC *ke: ]	****** roasted chicken, broiled chicken.
ghẽ	(1) giai, (2) ghẽ 疥 jiè (giai) [ Vh @ M 疥 jiè < MC kaj < OC *krets | Shuowen: 搔也。从疒介聲。 古拜 切 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》𠀤居拜切，音戒。《說文》瘙也。《廣韻》瘡疥。《釋名》疥，齘 也。 癢搔之齒䫴齘也。《禮·月令》仲冬行春令，民多疥癘。《周禮·天官·疾醫》夏時有痒疥之疾。《疏》四月純陽，五月隂起，惟水沴火，為甲疥，有甲。故有疥痒疾。《後漢·鮮卑傳》蔡邕議邊垂之患，手足之疥瘙，中國之困，胷背之瘭疽。。《史記·酈生陸賈傳》酈食其子酈疥數將兵。《前漢·功臣表》〈扌㝁〉頃侯溫疥。　又與痎同。兩日一發瘧也。《左傳·昭二十年》齊侯疥遂痁。《釋文》疥，舊音戒。梁元帝音該，依字則當作痎。說文云：兩日一發瘧也。詳後痎字注。　《類篇》或 作 𤸋蚧。 ]	****itching sore, scrab, scabies, itch, scabby disease, mite
ghêrợn	(1) rợnngười, (2) rùngrợn, (3) ghêrợn  嚇人  xiàrén (háchnhân) [ Vh @# M 嚇人 xiàrén \ Vh @ 嚇 xià ~ 'ghê', @ 人 rén ~ rợn | M 嚇 xià, hè < MC xja, xjak < OC *xaɨ, *xaɨk || M 人 rén < MC ɲin < OC *nin ]	*** be frightening, terrifying, frightening, scary.   {ID453108996}
ghêtởm	(1) óimữa, (2) nhờmtởm, (3) gớmghiếc, (4) ghêtởm 噁心 ěxīn (ốtâm) [ Viet. 'tởm' <~ 'ghêtởm' ~ Vh @ QT 噁心 ěxīn \ Vh @ 噁 ě ~ gớm, @ 心 xīn ~ tởm | M 噁 ě, è, wù, wū (ác, ố, ô) ~ ht. QT 惡 è, ě, wù, wū (ác, ố, ô) < MC ʔʌk < OC *ʔa:k || M 心 xīn < MC sjɔm < OC *sjɔm || Handian: (1) 形容使人討厭到了極點。 《紅樓夢》第六回：“這話沒的叫人噁心！”《儒林外史》第二二回：“不要噁心！我家也不希罕這樣老爺！” 巴金《探索集·“腹地”》：“我已經看透了那些美麗辭藻裝飾的謊言，忽然感到一陣噁心。” (2) 想要嘔吐的感覺。 明 馮惟敏《僧尼共犯》第二折：“但聞著葷酒氣兒，就頭疼噁心。” 《儒林外史》第六回：“ 嚴貢生坐在船上，忽然一時頭暈上來，兩眼昏花，口裡作噁心，噦出許多清痰來。” (3) 壞念頭。 曹禺《原野》第二幕：“你－－你怎麼這麼待我？你怎麼噁心做出這樣的事情。” ]	**** nausea, feel sick, disgust, nauseating, want to throw up, disgust, hate, loathe, Also:, bad habit, vicious habit, vicious, vice
giandối	(1) giảotrá, (2) giảtrá, (3) dốitrá, (4) dốigian, (5) giandối  狡詐  jiăozhà (giảotrá) [ Vh @# M 狡詐 jiăozhà \ Vh @ 狡 jiăo ~ dối, giả 假 jiă, @ 詐 zhà ~ gian 姦 jiān | M 狡 jiăo < MC kaw < OC *krawʔ || M 詐 zhà, zhă < MC tʂa < OC *cra:ks ]	*** craft, cunning, deceitful, sly, artful, adroit, insidious, vicious, deceitful.
giãtừ	(1) từbiệt, (2) tạmbiệt, (3) giãbiệt, (4) từtạ, (5) tạtừ, (6) giãtừ  辭別 cíbié (từbiệt) [ Vh @ M 辭別 cíbié \ Vh @ 辭 cí ~ tạm, giã, @ 別 bié ~ 'tạ' | Vh @ M 辭 cí < MC zjɤ < OC *lhjə || M 別 bié < MC bet < OC *brat ]	*** say good-bye, bid farewell.
hạp	(1) hiệp, (2) hợp, (3) cáp, (4) híp, (5) họp, (6) góp, (7) cụp, (8) khép, (9) kép, (10) vừa, (11) hạp  合  hé (hợp, hiệp, cáp) [ Vh @ M 合 hé, gě, gé, xiá (hợp, hiệp, cáp) < MC ɠɤp < OC *gjə:p, *kəp | FQ 古沓 | PNH: QĐ gap3, hap6, Hakka hap8, gak7, gap7, kap7, lap7 | Shuowen: 合口也。从亼从口。候閤切 | Kangci: 《唐韻》𠋫閤切《集韻》《韻會》曷閤切《正韻》胡閣切，𠀤音盒。 《說文》合口也。又《玉篇》同也。 《易·乾卦》保合太和。 《詩·小雅》妻子好合。又配也。 《詩·大雅》天作之合。 《前漢·貨殖傳》蘗麴鹽豉千合。 《註》師古曰：蘗麴以斤石稱之，輕重齊則爲合。鹽豉以鬥斛量之，多少等亦爲合。合者，相配耦之言耳。又會也。 《禮·王制》不能五十里者，不合於天子。 《註》合，會也。又聚也。 《論語》始有曰：苟合矣。 《註》合，聚也。又答也。 《左傳·宣二年》旣合而來奔。 《註》合，答也。又閉也。 《前漢·兒寬傳》封禪告成，合祛於天地神明。 《註》李奇曰：祛，開散。合，閉也。又六合。 《莊子·齊物論》六合之外，聖人存而不論。 《梁元帝·纂要》天地四方曰六合。又黍名。 《禮·曲禮》黍曰薌合。 | Guangyun: (1) 合 侯閤 匣 合 入聲 合 開口一等 覃 咸 ghop／hop ɣɒp , (2) 閤 古沓 見 合 入聲 合 開口一等 覃 咸 kop kɒp || Starostin: be together, joined, harmonious; to put together, match. Also read *kə:p, MC kap (FQ 古沓), Pek. gé id. The meaning 'to close' (as in hékǒu 合口 'close the mouth') is also archaic and probably reflected in Viet. colloquial cụp (the literary Sino-Viet. reading is hợp). Cf. other Viet. colloquial readings (possibly from the same source): góp 'to collect, contribute, concentrate)' (but for the latter cf. also 給 *k@p q.v.), hạp 'to suit, to agree', họp 'to meet, gather, assemble'. For OC *g- cf. Xiamen ka?8. | ¶ h- ~ v- || ex. 合口 hékǒu (khépmiệng) | x. híp(mắt), hợpnhãn ]	**** co-operated, suitable, contribute, suit, agree, together, join, harmonious, closed, to close.   {ID7657}
haydùng	(1) hữudụng, (2) dùnghay, (3) haydùng  好用  hǎo​yòng​ (hảodụng) [ Viet. '有用 yǒu​yòng​ (hữudụng)' ~ Vh @# M 好用 hǎo​yòng​ | M 好 hăo, hào (hảo, háo, hiếu) < MC xʌw < OC *xu:ʔ, *hu:ʔs || M 用 yòng < MC jouŋ < OC *loŋs ]	*** useful, serviceable, effective, handy, easy to use.
hènmọn	(1) bầntiện, (2) bầnhèn, (3) hènmọn  貧賤  pín​jiàn​ (bầntiện) [ Vh @# M 貧賤 pín​jiàn \ Vh @ 貧 pín ~ nghèo { ® <~ 貧窮 pínqióng (bầncùng) }​ | M 貧 pín < MC bin < OC *bhrjən || M 賤 jiàn < MC tʒjen < OC *tʒhenʔs ]	*** poor and lowly, underwork, lowly.
hônhít	(1) hunhít, (2) hônhít  接吻  jiēwěn (tiếpvẫn) [ Vh @# M 接吻 jiēwěn | M 接 jiē, jié, chá, shà, xiè < MC tsjep < OC *cap || M 吻 (脗) wěn < MC mǘn < OC *mhǝnʔ ]	*** kiss, kissing
khinhrẻ	(1) khinhmiệt, (2) nhângnháo, (3) rẻrúng, (4) coirẻ, (5) khinhrẻ  輕蔑  qīngmiè (khinhmiệt) [ Vh @# M 輕蔑 qīngmiè \ Vh @ 輕 qīng ~ coi, nhâng, rúng (tl.), @ 蔑 miè ~ rẻ, nháo (tl.) | M 輕 qīng < MC khjeŋ < OC *kheŋ || M 蔑 miè < MC miet < OC *mēt | ¶ m- ~ j-(d-) ] ]	*** look down upon, disdain, despise, contempt.
khoatruơngkhoátlát	高談闊論  gāo​tán​kuò​lùn​ (caođàmkhoátluận) [ Vh @# M 高談闊論 gāo​tán​kuò​lùn​ \ VHh @ 高談 gāo​tán ~ 'khoatrương' 誇張 kuāzhāng | M 高 gāo, gào < MC kʌw < OC *ka:w || M 談 tán < MC dʌm < OC *lha:m || M 闊 kuò, yù < MC khwʌt < OC *khwat || M 論 lùn, lún < MC lɔn < OC *ru:n, *ru:ns ]	*** (idiomatic), indulge in loud and empty talk, talk volubly or bombastically, talk in a lofty strain, talk off the top of one’s head, speechify, loud arrogant talk, harangue, spout
đáng	(1) đương, (2) đang, (3) làm, (4) cầm, (5) đợ, (6) đỡ, (7) tưởng, (8) đáng  當  dāng (đang) [ Vh @ M 當 dāng, dàng, dǎng ~ tưởng 想 xiăng, làm, đợ, đỡ, cầm \ ¶ d- ~ l-, k-(c-) | M 當 dāng, dàng, dáng, dăng (đang, đương, đáng) < MC tʌŋ < OC *ta:ŋ, *ta:ŋs | Dialecst: Cant. dong1, dong3, Hakka dang5, dong1, dong5 || Shuowen: 田相值也。从田尚聲。都郎切〖注〗𤱭，古文。|| Kangxi: 〔古文〕𤱭 《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》𠀤都郞切，黨平聲。又《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》𠀤丁浪切，黨去聲。事理合宜也。又《正字通》凡出物質錢，俗 謂之當。《後漢·劉虞傳》虞所賚賞，典當胡夷，瓚復抄奪之。《註》當，音丁浪反。 | Guangyun: (1) 當 都郎 端 唐開 平聲 陽 開口一等 唐 宕 tang tɑŋ , (2) 譡 丁浪 端 唐開 去聲 漾 開口一等 唐 宕 tangh／tanq tɑŋ || Starostin: to rest on, be on; should, ought. Also read *ta:ŋ-s, MC ta^\ŋ, Mand. dàng, Viet. đáng. The general meaning of the word is 'to match, correspond, suit' (with many particular applications). || ex. 擔當 dăndàng (đảmđang), 當官 dàngguān (làmquan), 當兵 dàngbīng (làmlính), 當家 dàngjiā (làmchủ), 當物 dàngwù (cầmđồ), 他當我不知道. Tā dàng wǒ bù zhìdào. (Nó tưởng tao khônghay.), cf. 我當不知道. Wǒ dàng bùzhìdào. (Tao làmnhư khôngbiết.) ]	*** be on, act as, during, when, be doing, in the very same, manage, withstand, match equally, just at, on the spot, should, ought. Also: to pawn, to match, correspond, proper, suitable, adequate, fitting, replace, represent, obstruct, treat as, regard as.
lẵnglặng	(1) tĩnhlặng, (2) lặngthinh, (3) thinhlặng, (4) làmthinh, (5) lặnglẽ, (6) lẵnglặng  靜靜  jìngjìng (tịnhtịnh) [ Vh @ M 靜靜 jìngjìng \ Vh @ 靜 jìng ~ 'thinh', lặng, 'làm' | M 靜 jìng (tĩnh, tịnh) < MC tsjɜŋ < OC *ʑheŋ || Handian: 靜靜 jìngjìng (1) 很安靜；很清淨。 宋 龔鼎臣《東原錄》：“如李巽《土鼓賦》：'土之靜靜，乃陰之實；土之動動，乃陽之精。'” 明 王守仁《傳習錄》卷下：“儒者到三更時分，掃蕩胸中思慮，空空靜靜，與釋氏之靜只一般。” (2) 猶言安靜一下，不受外界干擾。|| ex. 魯迅《書信集·致王冶秋》：“他暫時靜靜也好，但也未必就這樣過下去。” Lǔ Xùn 'Shūxìn Jí - Zhì Wáng Yěqīu': 'Tā zhànshí jìngjìng yě hǎo, dàn yě wèibì jìuzhèyàng guò xiàqù.' (Lỗ Tấn 'Tập Thưtín - Gởi Vương Dã-Thu': 'Anhấy làmthinh là tốt, nhưng khôngcứphải nhưvậy hoài.') ]	*** not moving, still, quiet, calm, tranquil, peaceful, pure, good.
lòngđỏ	(1) tròngđỏ, (2) lòngđỏ  蛋黃  dàn​huáng (đảnhoàng) [ Vh @# M 蛋黃 dàn​huáng \ Vh @ 蛋 dàn ~ đỏ 丹 dān (đan), @ 黄 huáng ~ tròng, lòng 心 xīn (tâm) | M 蛋 dàn < MC ʈan < OC *dan || M 黄 huáng (hoàng, huỳnh) < MC gwɒŋ < OC *ghwa:ŋ ]	*** egg yolk, yolk,
bèo	bèo 薸 piāo (phiều) [ Vh @ QT 薸 piáo ~ QT 漂 piāo, piăo, piào < MC phjew < OC*phew | *OC 薸 票 宵 瓢 bew 見方言 | Dialects: Cant. piu1, piu4, Hakka piau2 || Kangxi: 《康熙字典·艸部·十四》薸：《唐韻》符消切《韻會》毗霄切，𠀤音瓢。《揚子·方言》江東謂浮萍爲薸。又《集韻》紕招切，音漂。彌遙切，音描。義𠀤同。|| Guangyun: 薸 瓢 符霄 並 宵A 宵A 平聲 三等 開口 宵A 效 下平四宵 bʱi̯ɛu bĭɛu biɛu bjæu biᴇu biɛu biaw piao2 bjeu bieu 方言云江東謂浮萍爲薸 || ZYYY: 薸 瓢 滂 蕭豪開二 蕭豪 陽平 開口呼 pʰau || Môngcổ âmvận: pew bɛw 平聲 ]	****** duckweed,
lợn	(1) thoán, (2) thỉ, (3) đoán, (4) lợn 彖 tuàn (thoán) [ Vh @ QT 彖 tuàn < MC thwan < OC *lwanh | Dialects: Cant. teon3, teon5, Hakka chon5 | Shuowen: 豕也。从彑从豕。 讀若弛。 式視切 〖注〗𧰲。 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》通貫切《集韻》《韻會》土玩切《正韻》吐玩切，𠀤湍去聲。又《廣韻》易有彖象。《史記·孔子世家》孔子晚而喜易，序彖繫象說卦文言。《易·繫辭》彖者，言乎象者也。《註》彖總一卦之義也。《又》彖者，材也。《註》材，才德也。彖言成卦之材，以統卦義也。《周易正義》彖，斷也。 斷定一卦之義，所以名爲彖也。　又《類篇》賞氏切，音矢。豕屬。　又敞尒切，音侈。義同。|| Starostin: 'definitions' of the hexagrams in the Yijing ]	**** running hog, hog, hedgehog, porcupine.Also:, 'definitions' of the hexagrams in the Yijing, foretell the future using the trigrams of the Book of Changes 易經 .
lủithủi	(1) linhđinh, (2) longđong, (3) lênhđênh, (4) lẻloi, (5) lủithủi  伶仃  língdīng (linhđinh) [ Vh @# M 伶仃 língdīng \ Vh @ 伶 líng ~ lẻ, lênh (tl.), @ 仃 dīng ~ loi, đênh (tl.) | M 伶 líng < MC lieŋ < OC *re:ŋ || M 仃 dīng < MC tieŋ < OC *teŋ ]	**** left alone without help, solitary, solitarily, alone, lonely. Also: thin and weak.
lườibiếng	(1) biếnglười, (2) làmbiếng, (3) lườibiếng 懶放 lănfàng (lãnphóng) [ Vh @# QT 懶放 lănfàng \ Vh @ 放 fàng ~ biếng | M 懶 (嬾) lăn (lãn, lại) < MC lʌn < OC *ra:n | cđ MC 山開一上旱來 || M 放 fàng < MC pwoŋ < OC *paŋs | ¶ f- ~ b- : td. 房 fáng (phòng) buồng | Handian: 懶放 lănfàng: 懶散放浪。唐白居易《效陶潛體詩》序：“往往酣醉，終日不醒，懶放之心，彌覺自得。 ” || ex. 唐 Táng (Đường) 白居易 Bái Jūyí (Bạch Cư-Dị) 《適意 Shìyì (thíchý)》詩之一 Shī Zhī Yī (Một bài thơ)：“寒來彌懶放，數日一梳頭。” Hán lái mí lănfàng, shù rì yī shǔtóu. (Trời giá nên lườibiếng, đôi ngày mới chảiđầu.) || cf. VS 'biếnglười' 放懶 fànglăn (lazy) ]	****** lazy, idle, languid, listless, faineant, indolent, slothful, sluggish, untidy, unwilling to work,
lướtqua	掠過 lüèguò (SV lượcquá) [ Vh @ QT 掠過 lüèguò || M 掠 lüè, liàng, lùn ~ M 略 lüè < MC liak < OC *lɨak || QT 過 guō, guò, huò (qua, quá) < MC kwʌ < OC *kwa:js || Ex. 隨浮雲掠過. Suí fúyún lüèguò. (Theo mâytrôi lướtqua.) ]	******, flit across, sweep past, sweep across, skim over, flash across, fleet, dash, flash, move across. Also: (strike at an angle), glance,
mánhkhoé	竅門兒 qiáoménr (khiếumônnhi) [ Vh @# QT 竅門竅門兒 qiáoménr | M 竅 qiào < MC khiaw < OC *khjaw || M 門 mén < MC mon < OC *mjə:n || M 兒 (儿) ér, ní, er, rén, -r < MC ɲrjə < OC *ɲjə ~ QT 兒 ní < MC ɲjei < OC *ɲjai || Guoyu Cidian: 竅門 qiàomén 關鍵、要點、方法。 如：「他到現在還沒有領悟到寫文章的竅門。」 See 祕訣 、法門、訣竅 ]	******(of doing something), trick, ingenious method, know-how, clue, knack
mắcbệnh	(1) mangbệnh, (2) mangbịnh, (3) mắcbịnh, (4) mắcbệnh 患病 huànbìng (hoạnbịnh) [ Vh @ M 患病 huànbìng \ Vh @ 患 huàn ~ mang, mắc \ ¶ hw- ~ m- | M 患 huàn < MC ɣwan < OC *ghrans || M 病 bìng < MC bəiŋ < OC *braŋs ]	****, get ill, get sick, fall ill, suffer from illness, contract a disease
mắccở	抱愧  bàokuì (bãoquý) [ Vh @# M 抱愧 bàokuì \ Vh 抱 bào ~ 'mắc' \ ¶ b- ~ m-, @ 愧 kuì ~ 'cở' | M 抱 bào, bāo, fóu, páo, póu < MC bʌw < OC *bhu:ʔ < PC **puək || M 愧 kuì < MC kyj < OC *kwih ]	*** feel ashamed,
mặckệ	(1) bấtchấp, (2) bấtcần, (3) bấtcứ, (4) khôngkể, (5) khôngcần, (6) khôngmàng, (7) cũngmặc, (8) bỏmặc, (9) khôngquản, (10) khôngmàn, (11) mặckệ  不管  bùguăn (bấtquản) [ Viet. 'cũngmặc' <~ 'mặckệ' <~ Vh @ M 不管 bùguăn \ Vh @ 不 bù ~ bỏ, mặc \ ¶ b- ~ m-, @ 管 kuăn ~ mặc, kệ, kể, cũng, cần, cứ \ ¶ gw- ~ k-, m- | M 不 bù, fōu, fǒu < MC pjəw < OC *pjə || M 管 (筦) guăn < MC kwan < OC *kwān < PC *guan | ¶ b- ~ m-, g- ~ m- ]	*** it does not matter, no matter what, do not care, careless, not to care, not taking into consideration.
mâmquả	果盤 guǒpán (quảbàn) [ Viet. 'mâmtráicây', 'mâmcâytrái' @&# '果實盤 guǒshípán' (quảthựcbàn)' ~ Vh @# M 果盤 guǒpán | M 果 guǒ < MC kwʌ < OC *kʷajʔ || M 盤 (槃) pán < MC bwʌn < OC *ba:n || Handian: 盛果品的盤子。 南朝 梁 簡文帝《對燭賦》： “影度臨長枕，煙生向果盤。” || Note: this dissyllabic word is important in Vietnamese culture that a tray of fruits is always a part of sacrificial offerings on the ancestral altar and in other ceremonial rituals.]	******, tray of fruits,
mấyđộ	(1) mấydạo, (2) mấyđợt, (3) mấyđộ  幾度  jǐdù (kỷđộ) [ Vh @# M 幾度 jǐdù \ Vh @ 度 dù ~ 'đợt' \ OC *dha:ks | M 幾 jī, jǐ < MC kyj, kyj < OC *kjəj, *kjəjʔ || M 度 dù, dò, duó, duò < MC dʌk < OC *dha:k, *dha:ks, *da:s < PC **dha: | ¶ d- ~ j-, td. 督 dū (đốc) ~ 'dục', 陡 dǒu (đẩu) ~ 'dốc' | Dialecst: Cant. dok6, dou6, TrC dou7 (tōu), dag8 (tâk), Hakka tok8, tu5 || ex. 幾度夕陽紅。Jǐdù xīyáng hóng. (Nắng chiềuvàng mấyđộ.) ]	*** several times. Also: how many degree.
mếnmộ	(1) mộdanh, (2) mếnmộ  慕名  mù​míng (mộdanh) [ Vh @# M 慕名 mù​míng \ Vh @ 名 míng ~ mến | M 名 míng < MC mjiajŋ < OC *mɛjŋ ]	*** be impressed by a reputation, admire somebody's reputation, out of admiration for person or place, seek out famous person or location.
mongmỏi	熱望  rèwàng (nhiệtvọng) [ Vh @# M 熱望 rèwàng | M 熱 rè < MC ɲet < OC *ɲet || M 望 wàng < MC mwɑŋ < OC *maŋs ]	*** strong desire, sincere hope, aspire, earnestly hope, hope fervently, long for earnestly, ardently wish,
nấunướng	烹調  pēng​tiáo (phanhđiều) [ Vh @ M 烹調 pēng​tiáo \ Vh @ 烹 pēng ~ nướng, @ 調 tiáo (điều) ~ 'nấu' 豆 dòu (đậu) \ ¶ d- ~ n- | M 烹 pēng < MC phajŋ < OC *phraŋ || M 調 diào, tiáo, zhōu (điệu, điều) < MC tiew < OC *ti:w ]	*** cook, cooking,
ngăncấm	(1) cấmcố, (2) ngăncấm  禁錮  jìn​gù (cấmcố) [ Vh @# M 禁錮 jìn​gù | M 禁 jìn, jīn < MC kjəm < OC *krǝms || M 錮 gù ~ ht. M 固 gù < MC ko < OC *kaʔs || Kangxi: (1) 謂禁止做官或參與政治活動。 《史記·平準書》：“議令民得買爵及贖禁錮、免減罪。” (2) 監禁；關押。 《漢書·刑法志》：“前令之刑城旦舂歲而非禁錮者，如完為城旦舂歲數以免。” (3) 封閉；束縛限制。 魯迅 《南腔北調集·為了忘卻的記念》：“可是在中國，那時是確無寫處的，禁錮得比罐頭還嚴密。” ]	*** inhibit, banish, confine, imprison, shackles, fetters, imprisonment. Also: encompass, cabin, (Viet.), pawn.
nọ	(1) nã, (2) ná, (3) nớ, (4) nó, (5) họ, (6) nẫu, (7) này, (8) nào, (9) đó, (10) đấy, (11) nọ 那 nà, nèi (nã, ná) [ Vh @ M 那 nà, nèi, nuò, nuó, nă (nã, ná) < MC nʌ < OC *nha:r | Schuessler : perhaps 'be rich'. Starostin : In oldest texts the character is used only with the meaning 'to be rich' (sometimes within a compound 猗那 *?a:r-na:r id.). The pronominal meaning (at first only interrogative) appears only during Late Zhou - as a synonym for 奈 *n(h)a:ts 'so what?' (q.v.). Later, during Wei, the character is used for a (probably related) interrogative *n(h)a:/ > MC na^/, Mand. nuo^ (colloq. na^) 'how, what'. Finally, since Tang demonstrative usage is witnessed: MC na^\, Mand. nuò (colloq. nà) 'that'. The standard Sino-Viet. reading is nã; này may be an old loanword, or else may be just a rather universal pronominal stem (in Viet. cf. also nó 'he', nọ 'other'). || Note: 'nớ' (tiếngHuế) | ¶ n- ~ đ- || Ex. 在那裡 Zài náli? (Tại nơi nào?) ]	***that, those, he, she, other; this, that, the other, Also:, they, other people, the other, someone, how, which, what
nó	(1) tha, (2) va, (3) anhta, (4) ôngta, (5) côta, (6) bàta, (7) gã, (8) họ, (9) nó 他 tā (tha) [ Viet. 'anhta' @&# '他兄 tāxiōng (thahuynh)', 'ôngta' @&# '他公 tāgōng (thacông)', v.v. (x. bà, cô..) | Vh @ QT 佗 tuō ~ QT 他 tā, tuō, duò < MC thʌ < OC *sla:j < PC **la:js | *OC 他 也 歌 佗 l̥ʰaːl 俗與佗通用 | PNH: QĐ taa1, to1, Hẹ ta1, TrC ta1 | Shuowen: 虫也。从虫而長，象冤曲垂尾形。上古艸居患它，故相問無它乎。凡它之屬皆从它。蛇，它或从虫。託何切〖注〗臣鉉等曰：今俗作食遮切。 文一　重一 | Kangxi: 《廣韻》託何切《正韻》湯何切，𠀤音拖。與佗它通。彼之稱也，此之別也。《左傳·莊二十二年》光遠而自他有耀者也。《詩·鄘風》之死矢靡他。又《小雅》人知其一，莫知其他。　又《玉篇》誰也。　又邪也。《揚子·法言》君子正而不他。　又凡牛馬載物曰負他。　又《集韻》唐佐切，同䭾。亦畜負物也。　又《司馬相如·上林賦》不被創刃，怖而死者，他他藉藉，塡坑滿谷。《註》他音〈口𠂹〉。言禽獸僵死交相積也。　又《正字通》方言呼人曰他。讀若塔平聲。| Guangyun: 他 佗 託何 透 歌 歌 平聲 一等 開口 歌 果 下平七歌 tʰɑ tʰɑ tʰɑ tʰɑ tʰɑ tʰɑ tʰa tuo1 tha tha 俗今通用 || ZYYY: 他 他 透 歌戈開 歌戈 陰平 開口呼 tʰɔ || Handian: ◎ 他 tā〈代〉(1) (本作“佗”。形聲。從人,“它”省聲。本義:負擔) (2) 古代、近代泛指男女及一切事物,現代則用於稱代自己和對方以外的男性第三者 (nó) 某以非他故。 ——《儀禮·士昏禮》。注:“彌親之辭。”他用剛日。 ——《儀禮·士虞禮記》 (3) 又如: 他家 (他或她); 他每 (他們,他懣); 他爹 (他大。方言。孩子的爹); 他倆 (他們兩人)。任指第三者。當沒有必要區分性別或性別不明時用“他”。如: 他誰 (猶言何人、誰); 他適 (指女子改嫁他人,改嫁) (4) 表示指稱,相當於“別的”、“其他的”,與“此”相對 (nọ,, nớ, đó) 。 || Starostin : other, different, Protoform: *la:j (s-), Meaning: other. Chinese: 他 *sla:j another. Burmese: ta-lij someone. Lushei: hlei (hlei?) compared with the other. | ¶ t-(th-) ~ n-, h- || Ghichú: nó '他 tā' trong tiếngHán đã được kháiquáthoá triệtđể chonên cóthể đượcdùng để chỉ 'côta', 'bàta', 'anhta', 'ôngta', mà 'ta' chínhlà 他 tā (tha), còn âmtiết hìnhvị đikèm là để bổsung làmrõnghĩa đạidanhtừ nầy.) | x 佗 tuō (nó) ]	*** he, him, she, her, it, other, another, someone, other people, different, they
phất	(1) vất, (2) vẫy, (3) vứt, (4) phất  摽  biāo (tiêu) [ Vh @ M 摽 biāo, bào, piiāo (phiệu, tiêu) < MC bjew, phjew < OC *bhewʔ, *phewʔs | Dialecst: Cant. piu1, piu5, Hakka biau1 | Shuowen: 擊也。从手票聲。一曰挈門壯也。符少切 | Kangxi: 〔古文〕𢹰《唐韻》符少切《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》婢小切，𠀤音鰾。讀若瓢上聲。《說文》擊也。一曰挈𨷲牡也。又《爾雅·釋詁》摽蘦，落也。《詩· 召南》摽有梅。　又拊心貌。《詩·邶風》寤辟有摽。《傳》辟拊心也。《疏》謂拊心之時，其手摽然。　又《集韻》被表切，音殍。亦落也。 詩：摽有梅。徐邈讀。　又《唐韻》撫招切《集韻》《正韻》紕招切，𠀤音漂。亦擊也。與𢿏同。 || Starostin: Also read *phewʔ-s, MC phjèw (FQ 匹妙) id.; *phew, MC phjew (FQ 撫招), Mand. piāo id. (the latter reading particularly with the meaning 'to drop, shed, strike'. ) ]	**** dismiss with a hand gesture, signal, sign. Also: throw out, push out, get rid of, abandon, strike, shed, drop, fall,
què	(1) cài, (2) khoèo, (3) vẹo, (4) què 瘸 què (cài) [ Vh @ M 瘸 què, qué < MC gwa < OC *gwjaj, *ɡʷal | *OC 瘸 加 歌 瘸 ɡʷal | PNH: QĐ ke4, Hẹ kio2 | Kangxi: 《康熙字典·疒部·十一》瘸：《唐韻》《韻會》《正韻》巨靴切《集韻》衢靴切，𠀤掘平聲。腳手病。 | Guangyun: 瘸 瘸 巨靴 羣 戈三合 戈 平聲 三等 合口 戈 果 下平八戈 gi̯wɑ ɡĭuɑ ɡiuɑ ɡiuɑ ɡɨuɑ ɡʷiɑ gua que2 gya gva 腳手病巨靴切一 || ZYYY: 瘸 瘸 溪 車遮撮 車遮 陽平 撮口呼 kʰiuɛ || Mongolian phonology: (1) kwe gwɛ 平聲, (2) kwe gwɛ 入聲 || Ex. 瘸腿 quétuǐ (quègiò), 瘸腳 quèjiăo (quèchân) ]	****lame, limp, lameness, cripple, paralysis of leg
rét	(1) liệt, (2) mướt, (3) rét 冽 liè (liệt) [ Vh @ QT 冽 liè < MC liat < OC *liat | ¶ l- ~ r-, m- | PNH: QĐ lit6, Hẹ liet8, TrC liag8 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》《正韻》良薛切《集韻》力蘖切《韻會》力薛切，𠀤音列。《玉篇》寒氣也。《詩·小雅》有冽氿泉。 | Guangyun: 列 良辥 來 薛A開 入聲 屑 開口三等 山 仙A lĭɛt liet || td. 凓冽 lìliè (rétmướt) ]	**** cold, freezing, chill, cold and raw
sỉvả	喝叱  hē​chì (hátsất) [ Vh @# M 喝叱 hē​chì ~ M 呵斥 hē​chì || M 喝 hè, hē, yè < MC xʌt, ʔaj < OC *ha:t, *ʔra:ts || M 叱 chì < MC tʂit < OC *thit]	*** chide, berate, excoriate,
suýtnữa	(1) hiểmnghèo, (2) xémnữa, (3) xíunữa, (4) suýtnữa  好險  hăoxiăn (hảohiểm) [ Vh @# M 好險 hăoxiăn | M 好 hăo, hào (hảo, háo, hiếu) < MC xʌw < OC *xu:ʔ, *hu:ʔs || M 險 xiăn < MC xjem < OC *hramʔ || Ex. 剛才好險，石頭差點砸中我們。 Gāngcái hǎoxiǎn, shítou chàdiǎn zá zhòng wǒmen. (Khinãy xémnữa cụcđá rơi trúngđầu tụimình.) ]	*** (with a sense of surprise), very dangerous, narrow escape.
tét	(1) tạc, (2) tạch, (3) chạo, (4) chả, (5) nổ, (6) tét 炸 zhà (tạc) [ Vh @ M 炸 zhà, zhá ~ ht. QT 乍 zhà < MC tɕak < OC *tɕra:ks | *OC (1) 炸 乍 暮 吒 ʔr'aːɡs 灹晚起字 , (2) 炸 乍 盍 𥯦 zreːb 手冊作煠今字 | PNH: QĐ zaa3, Hẹ za5, TrC za3, zan3 || Starostin: A very recent character (attested only since Ming, and having no MC readings); also read Pek. zhà 'to burst on fire'. | ¶ zh- ~ n- || td. 炸彈 zhàdàn (tạcđạn), 炸魚 zhàyú 'chảcá, 炸肉 zhàròu 'chảluạ', 炸蝦 zhàxiā (chạotôm) ]	***explode, crack open, light crack, clatter, fry on strong fire, deep fry, burst on fire. Also: (Viet.) fried meat cake, fried meat loaf, meat cake, meat loaf
thác	(1) tuôn, (2) tràn, (5) trào, (6) thác  湍  tuān (SV đoan) [ Vh @ M 湍 tuān, tuán, zhuān < MC thwʌn < OC *thōr | Dialect: Cant. teon1, Hakka tam1, Tchiewchow zuang1, cuang2 | Shuowen: 疾瀨也。从水耑聲。他耑切 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》他耑切《集韻》《韻會》《正韻》他官切，𠀤音煓。《說文》疾瀨也。《前漢·溝洫志》水湍悍難以行平地。《註》急流曰湍。　又 《集韻》 朱遄切，音 專。水名，在酈縣。《山海經》 荆山之首曰翼望之山，湍水出焉。　又《集韻》《類篇》𠀤吐玩切，音彖。亦疾瀨也。 || Ex. 湍急 tuānjí (tuônchảy) ]	*** (of water), rush, rushing water, fall, rapid water current, rapids, torrential.
thọt	(1) thích, (2) thứ, (3) chích, (4) chọt, (5) chọc, (6) cựa, (6) gai, (7) thọc, (8) thọt  刺  cì (thích, thứ) [ Vh @# M 刺 cì, cī, qì, jì (thích, thứ) < MC chjɜ, chjek < OC *tseks, *tʂjek | Dialecst: Cant. ci3, cik3, sik3 | Guangyun: (1) 刺 七賜 清 支A開 去聲 寘 開口三等 支A 止 chieh／cieh tsʰĭe , (2) 皵 七迹 清 昔開 入聲 陌 開口三等 清 梗 chiek／ciek tsʰĭɛk || Starostin: to prick, pierce, stab. Also read *c/hek, MC chjek (FQ 七跡), Mand. qi: id. Viet. chích ( < MC chjek) is colloquial; the regular Sino-Viet. forms are thích (< chjek) and thứ' (< chje\) || cf. 'xươngcá', 'Chà!', 'Chết' || Ex. 刺痛 cìtòng (chíchđau), 刺, 我忘記帶錢了. Wǒ wàngjì dàiqián lẹ (Chết, tôi quên đemtiền rồi.) ]	*** pierce, sting, prick, thrust, stab, spur, thorn. Also: assassinate, murder.
trúngđích	中的 zhòngdì (trúngđích) [ Vh @ M 中的 zhòngdì || Guoyu Cidian: 中的 zhòngdì 射 中 靶心。 比喻 能 掌握 事物 的 重點。 淮南子．泰族：「其 所以 中的 剖微者，正心 也。」 南朝梁．劉勰．文心雕龍．議對：「譬射侯中的，二名雖殊，即議之別體也。」]	****** hit target, hit the target, hit the nail on the head,
trúngý	(1) đúngý, (2) trúngý 中意 zhòngyì (SV trúngý) [ Vh @ M 中意 zhòngyì \ Vh @ 中 zhòng ~ 'trúng', 'đúng' || M 中 zhōng, zhòng < MC ʈʊŋ < OC *truŋ, *truŋs ]	******take somebody's fancy, be pleased, win approval
vuốt	捋 lǚ (SV loát) [ Vh @ M 捋 lǚ, luō < MC luɑt < OC *lwʌt | ¶ l- ~ v- | Dialects: Cant. lyut3, Hakka lot8, lot7 | Shuowen: 取易也。从手寽聲。郎括切 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》 郞括切 《集韻》 《韻會》 盧活切，鸞 入聲。 《廣韻》 手捋也。 《詩·周南》采采芣苢，薄言捋之。 《朱傳》取 其 子 也。 《詩詁》 以指 歷取 也。 又 《豳風》 予所捋荼。又摩也。 《潘岳·笙賦》 鬱捋劫捂。 《註》 鬱捋，循笙孔貌。 又 《集韻》​​龍輟切，音劣。 採也。　本作寽，五指寽也。 | Guangyun: 捋 郎活 來 末 入聲 曷 合口一等 山 桓 luɑt luat || Starostin: For *rh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen luaʔ7, Chaozhou luek7, Fuzhou luok7. Modern Pek. has several readings: besides lǚ also lè and luō; lǚ is quite irregular (reflecting an unattested variant MC *lwit?); lè and luō are probably dialectal variants. ]	**** (beard), hold something long and rub one’s palm along it, stroke, pluck, gather in the fingers, rub, scrape off

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