Vietnamese Chinese
What Makes Chinese so Vietnamese?

An Introduction to Sinitic-Vietnamese Studies

(Ýthức mới về nguồngốc tiếngViệt)

dchph

Chapter Eleven

XI) Vietnamese and Chinese cognates in basic vocabulary stratum

As we have all learned by now, it is not necessarily the language itself to have evolved from the Sino-Tibetan root, but, historically and anthropologically, the Vietnamese forefathers have supposedly come from the China South region and Vietnamese undeniably shares basic words with so many Sino-Tibetan etymologies as cited in the previous chapter, one cannot ignore the fact that more than 90% of the Vietnamese linguistic elements similar to those of Chinese that are also shared by the four major Chinese "dialects", i.e., Cantonese, Fukienese, Gan, and Wu, as opposed to northern Mandarin language.

Intrinsically, it does not matter much about what root a language was originally from but where it belong to, categorically. What counts is how the language presents itself as a whole with the underlined characteristics and attributes all in one package. For our purpose in identifying the true nature of Vietnamese, it is preferably more significant for us to recognize its resemblance with other Chinese languages than, metaphorically, to try digging deeper a trench inside the tunnel that has already obstructed light of the northern stars leading the way in the end. The theorization on the genetic affinlty with the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer linguistic family might have been only kin to in remote prehistory if existed. To those Western scholars who have fallen in love with the Austroasistic Mon-Khmer hypothesis, they should consider the case of the French who do not speak their ancestral Gaulish language but ... French, a Roman language instead, to be on par with Italian or Spanish. The whole episode is analogous to the theory that the Vietnamese do not speak an extant aboriginal Yue language but they share basic words from different roots since ancient times, including the Sino-Tibetan ones as previously discussed. Those Sinologists who study how Cantonese and Fukienese have been formed should know exactly that the Chinese elements grew on top of their substratum. In this survey, the author just wants to nail down on the Sino-Tibetan basic etyma under Mandarin spectrum, given the fact at least during the 20 years from 1407 to 1427 Vietnam as a province under the Ming's dominion Chinese were taught as a living language and required for all imperial exams (M), that cover all other aspects of the modern Vietnamese.

In so far as work on the origin of Vietnamese, if it is solely based on analysis of basic cognates with scores of Mon-Khmer basic words, they cannot altogether nullify Chinese and Vietnamese commonalities virtually in all linguistic aspects, not limited to the vocabulary realm alone. So said, specialists of Vietnamese can still approach different path to tackle the true issue of the Vietnamese origin by justifying Vietnamese cognates in etymologies spanning across a larger linguistic spectrum consisted of Sino-Tibetan, Chinese, and other Mon-Khmer elements.

However, regardless of what progress the Mon-Khmer camp will have made in the foreseeable future, for the time being Mon-Khmer elements could be regarded as another taxonomical scheme for the Vietnamese language unless evidences of the Sino-Tibetan etymologies found in Vietnamese presented in this survey are officially acknowledged. Essentially what we are looking at is not its "nativity" or "the origin" at birth, whether by locality or anthropology, but the resulting product of "the mixed stock" consisted of massive Chinese origin in the language including those of the basic stratum. Our focus is in effect on the wholeness of the Vietnamese language as it appears today and not on the genetic affinity based on those basic words that might happen to fit nicely in the Austroasiatic etymological platform of basic words. With the same lexical substance, the Mon-Khmer elements might have made a much more impressive imprint in the Mường dialects rather than what they have etched in the Vietnamese language.

Terminologically, ancestral nativity could be designated here as "the aboriginal" that is actually on par with the "Yue" concept as recorded in Chinese historical records. The same "Yue" term, nevertheless, could not be extended to encompass all other the racial composition of speakers of those indigenous languages in the Indo-China, hence, the Austronesian and Austroasiatic people who were the ancestors of those Chamic and Mon-Khmer people, respectively, who are now minorities in Vietnam. They have inhabitated most of terrestrial parameters within Vietnam's north, western, central, and southern regions since ancient times until today, that is, long before the Annamese advanced there. In other words, direct descents of those ethnic groups in Southeast Asia might not have anything to do with the "Kinh" people, the majority of the whole population of the modern Vietnam nationals today, who were composed of a later racial fusion with the constant waves of refugee migrants from China South for over the last 2,200 years rather than those who are affiliated with ancestors of Austronesian and Austroasiatic people who had made it further in the southern hemisphere from Malayan peninsula to Indonesian archipelagoes and islands scattering across the vast South Pacific ocean for some 8,000 to 6,000 years B.P.

In modern Vietnam with the recently annexed territories as late as the 18th century from the now extinct Champa and Khmer kingdoms, the Annamese kept pouring in into the region and became the growing dominant Kinh majority over the minorities who had been long masters of the stretches of land from the nothern central to southern parts of Vietnam. The Kinh populace had since embraced descendants of the racially-mixed stock among the earlier waves of immigrants from the north and the late resettlers further in the south such as the native Chamic, Khmer, and other Ming's 'boatpeople' refugees from China's southern coastal regions after the fall of Ming Dynasty into the hands of the Manchurians in the 17th century.

Along the path of national development, the contact of the Vietnamese with speakers of other languages had no major impact on the usage of the modern Vietnamese with respects to their interactive basic words. Many late fundamental words appear to be only add-ons to the extant words of the same Sinitic origin, e.g, 陽 *djang ~ V. 'nắng' (sunshine), 湯 *t'âng V. 'nóng' (hot liquid), 煬 *djang ~ V. 'nung' (fuse), 模 *mâg ~ 貌 *mǒg for V. "mẫu" (model) from Old Chinese, 姊 "chế" vs. "chị", 餅 bǐng "bẽn" vs. "bánh" from the Tchewchow dialect, etc. Comparatively, those local Mon-Khmer loanwords in Vietnamese as seen in Chapter 9 should be treated in the same manner as we have dealt with the Chinese ones for the same matter. That is, linguistically, in the lower Vietnamese stratum what had previously existed therein already existed by then, including other Mon-Khmer elements that varied as their subdialects have mostly been confined in small geographic pockets, when the ancient Annmese moved in and resettled there and got in touch the native Mon-Khmer languages. Such scenario showed clearly in patterns of racial and linguistic admixture in the later periods after the 18th century when the southern part of Vietnam's territory was annexed into its map.

With respects to fundamental basic swords, to be truthful, any people on earth with their language, from the dawn of their existence to the period when they first lived together and formed mutual communes, must have had a minimum set of their own basic vocabulary in common to start with. It is hard to imagine that people had to borrow fundamental words such as those of immediate kinship, private body parts, natural phenomena, objects existing around them, along with other man-made things and tools for their survival and living, as well as their physical activities in their daily life, including intimate acts.

While many of the Vietnamese basic words appear to be concurrently cognate to those in both Mon-Khmer and Chinese languages, yet the relationship between Chinese and Vietnamese surpasses well beyond what is limited to their common share in the basic vocabulary stratum. The pressing issue thereof is to find what it means in terms of their linguistic affinity via such etymological closeness that is so obvious that specialists in Vietnamese tend to either ignore them altogether – considering they are "purely Vietnamese", a syndrome analogous to the common sense axiom that goes 'take it for granted' – or make a fuss about them insisting on the uniquely cultural origin of the etyma, hence, denying them as cultural loanwords, e.g, 標杆 piāogàn or VS 'câynêu' (courtyard's Tết banner pole, which can be seen mostly in Vietnamese villages during the Spring Festival when every household is prepared for the most festively celebrating Lunar New Year holiday of the whole year's) or "bánhtét" (='bánhTết': Vietnamese New Year boil rice cake, andthe word is made up with "餅 bǐng" for "bánh" plus "節 jié" for "Tết"). Depending on their level of target mastery of the linguistic root involved, in this case, it is Chinese, specifically, so that they can relate the pinyin /jié/ for SV "tiết" > VS "Tết" or "season" and "harvesting" and "celebration" altogether in one character 節 that originally meant something else and still conveying those meanings well into modern Chinese and Vietnamese, and that is where the "Entering 7th tone" 陽入聲 yángrùshēng comes into the picture to justify for the ending -t with the rising peak that Vietnamese and many Chinese dialects are still sharing and that does not sound like -t in English or French at all, which will baffle and leave those 6-toned advocates totally in the dark for not understanding why its so.

For all the similar Chinese traits that exist in Vietnamese with each word in its whole ensemble, like in the case of "Tết" above, their respective national history as one is related to the other will also strongly render supports to each etymon, sometimes with culturally accented affiliation of the two languages, which is totally absent in Mon-Khmer or Tai-Kadai languages. Many Vietnamese scholars used to boast their national language still keeps its purity all along its course of development and for those Middle Chinese loanwords they truly believe that their forefathers had intelligently "twisted" the tongue in their articulation so that the equivalent Sino-Vietnamse pronunciation of them would no longer sound like Chinese! For such "scholars", we all should take off our hats to salute their 'patriotic' nationalism in the effort to rid an old school of conception out of their inferior complex. Just like kids, scholars sometimes talk childish language, so to speak, because they totally ignore the historical fact of national development of both China and Vietnam that the ancient Vietnam had been a part of it for 1,000 years until 939 A.D. and was one of its vassal states thereafter in different periods. Would those highlights of the Vietnam's history strike a note of something about the true identity of the Vietnamese basic words that are cognate to those in Chinese?

On of the historical linguistic scholar, while Nguyễn Ngọc San (1993. Ibid. pp. 105-120) acknowledged that the exist Chinese records to posit those Vetnamese basic words that can be traced back in Old Chinese, he sided with other linguists' opinion on the origin of Vietnamese that it is a hybrid language that has evolved from different sources that were built on the Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer stratum; however, they could not provide history to back up whatever is claimed for those in Austroasistic Mon-Khmer and Tai-Kadai words in Vietnamese basic words. To make up for the missing historical reconstruction such as those commonly accepted as equivalents in the areas of Chinese historical phonology, the author termporarily settled for whatever available with modern wordlists from modern living Mon-Khmer languages such as "chrohom" ~ Vietnamese "chồmhỗm" (squat), "choho" ~ Vietnamese "chòhõ" or "chànghãng" (?) (stand), "rôsao" ~ "laoxao" (bustling), "comhai" ~ "hơi" (breath) etc., instead. Analogously, they are just like what appears to be close with modern "putonghua" and "Vietnamese" pops up in this paper here and there, such as 明兒 míngr ~ VS 'mainầy' (tomorrow), 受不了 shòubùliăo ~ VS 'chịukhôngnổi' (can't stand it), 了不起 liăobùqi ~ VS "nổibật" (outstanding), etc.

Below are some samples listed by Nguyen Ngoc San claimed to be typical and exemplified for the proofs that Vietnamese vocabulary stock built on different sources, mainly from Mon-Khmer, Daic (Tày-Thái by NNS), Old Chinese, with which, none theless, we could find plausible Chinese cognates.

Table 11A-1 - Mon-Khmer roots (by Nguyễn Ngọc San)

English meaning	Mon-Khmer	Vietnamese	Chinese cognate by dchph
gnaw	khăm	cắm, cắn, gặm	**** 啃 kěn
slice, tear	cheek	chẻ, xé	** 切 qiè ('chẻ), ** 撕 cì (xé)
carry	păng	bưng	**** 捧 pēng
shake	tunl	đun, dun(dảy),	**** 動 dòng
with	pơơi	mới, với	**** 與 yú
braid	pul	búi, múi	**** 襆 pú
roll	kbên	bện vấn, quấn	**** (編)圈 (biān)quăn
stretch	chang	chạng, dạng (chân)	**** 張 zhāng
water	tưk	nắc, nước	*** 水 shuǐ
flies	rui	ruồi, dòi	**** 蠅 yíng
smelly	sôui	thối, hôi	****** 臭 chòu
pinch	peo	béo, véo	*** 揑 niē
chest	ngức	ngực, ức	****** 臆 yì
round	kvenh	quàng, vành, quanh	**** 環 huán
sow	pon	bón, vón, vunh	**** 播 bō
wave	kvơ	quơ, vơ, huơ	****** 揮 huī
break	tưt	đứt, dứt, nứt	**** 斷 duàn
end	tot	chót (vót), tót	*** 卒 zú
clip	thkiep	cặp, gắp	****** 夾 jiá
smear	blei	trây, giây, bây (bai bây)	*** 塗抹 túmó
nest	t'ôh	ổ, tổ	**** 窩 wō
snake	t'an	rắn	**** 虵 yé
wall lizard	t'lan	thằnlằn, trăn (?)	**** 蝘蜓 yǎntíng
dragon	tơluông	rồng, thuồngluồng, đuống (cầuđuống) (?)	****** 龍 lóng

Table 11A-2 - Tai-Kadai roots (by Nguyễn Ngọc San)

English meaning	Tai-Kadai	Vietnamese	Chinese cognate by dchph
father	pò	bố, bú, bọ	****** 父 fù
?	cọn	cọn, guồng	?
radiate	choả	toả, xoả	*** 射 shè
stretch	chăng	chăng, giăng	**** 張 zhāng
carry	đeo	đeo, neo, đèo (bòng)	*** 戴 dài
throw	quăng	quăng, văng	**** 扔 rèng
grasp	pôôc	bốc, vốc	*** 抓 zhuā
pounce	tup	đập, dập	*** 踏 tă
short	cọt	cộc, cụt, ngủn	*** 短 duăn
piece	pjêng	miếng, mãnh	**** 片 piàn
peel	poóc	bóc, vót	**** 剝 pō
graceful	rủngrỉnh	đủngđỉnh, dủngdỉnh	*** 婷婷 tíngtíng
here	nấy	nầy, đây	茲 zī
?	khẳn	khẳm, khẳn, hăm	?
recognize	nhin	nhận	**** 認 rèn
prick	chộc	chọc, xọc	*** 扎 zā
strike	phang	phạng, phang (đánh)	**** 搒 páng
empty	rồng	rỗng, trống	**** 空 kōng

Table 11A-3 Chinese - Old Chinese roots (by Nguyễn Ngọc San)

English meaning	Old Chinese	Vietnamese	Chinese cognate by dchph
side	pjen	bê, biên, men, ven viền	**** 邊 biān
skillful	k'jiao	kháu, khéo, xảo	****** 巧 qiáo
break	pwo	bửa, phá, vỡ	**** 破 pò
wife	piwo	bụa, phụ, vợ	****** 婦 fù
pursue	tweir	đuổi, truy	**** 追 zhuī
hit home	tung	đúng, trúng	****** 中 zhòng
gaze	tăm	đăm, chiêm (ngưỡng), nom	**** 瞻 zhàn
mend	pu	bổ, vá	****** 補 bǔ
embroider	suo	tú (cẩm), thùa thêu	****** 繡 xìu
sprinkle	sai	tưới, rưới, rảy	****** 灑 să
hard	k'u	khổ, khó (nhọc)	**** 苦 kǔ
board	pan	bản, ván	****** 板 băn
drive out		khu (trục), khua, xua	****** 驅 qū
decadence	toi	đồi (bại), tồi	**** 墮 duò
last	tsuot	tốt (lính), chót (cuối), sót (đểlại)	**** 卒 zú
then!	pyot	tất (cả), sốt, sất (không có gì sốt!, tuốt	**唄 bei!

It is no surprise that the Daic-Kadai appear to be less plausibly cognate to those etyma in Vietnamese. What else can one expect the language of a nation would have become after 1,000 years of foreign domination? Take a quick look at them and you can draw your own conclusion.

A) Chinese basic words

Now that we have examined the Mon-Khmer vs. Vietnamese basic wordlists postulated by different authors, let us move on to explore further those of Chinese vs. Vietnamese. In the following sections we shall go on to analyze the Vietnamese and Chinese cognacy with their basic vocabularies by traversing the Old Chinese realm, including those related Sino-Tibetan etyma that make sense in connecting them all (refer to Shafer's list in Chapter Ten on Sino-Tibetan etymologies.)

In general, the most basic words in Chinese virtually could be presented with those characters made up of fundamental pictographs and ideographs, i.e., iconic symbols, each of which is equivalent to a monosyllabic word. e.g., 天 tiān (heaven), 日 rì (sun), 人 rén (man), 大 dà (big), 目 mù (eye), 口 kǒu (mouth), etc. They were probably the most primitive and original ideographs that had initially been created for, so far as we know of, devination as many of them were first engraved on tortoise shells for the purpose of devination that later formed the Chinese writing system. Let us examine some of them first with a Sinitic-Vietnamese etymological perspective.

For the followings just remember that the closer their similarity is, chances are that they could be recent loanwords, mostly from Chinese to Vietnamese not only from the early colonial period but thoughout Vietnam's independence history, such as SV 'nhật' vs. VS 'ngày' vs. 'giời' vs. 'trời' for 日 rì (the sun). Moreover, nature of their cognacy recency reflects also in the form of combination of contraction and metathesis, i.e., sounds being dropped or merged and position of either or both initial and finals could be switched, such as 'mình' 我們 wǒmén (Beijing subdialect /mne/) (we), 'em(gái)' 妹(妹) mèi(mei) (younger sister), and/or reverse word order, i.e., the modified to be followed by the modifiers in forming complex bound forms, conventionally both being indicated by the symbol pound # in this paper, such as 'nhỏ|em' # 'em|nhỏ' #小妹 xiăomèi (little girl), or implicitly reckoned as such, which makes up mostly dissyllabically-formed words underlined with a great deal of sound changes that have taken place, syntactically. (Read more about the reverse word order to be discussed further next.)<

While the older the etymon is the more chance the "word" order was inverted to make a loanword to "feel" right to the native ears, the most recent one would likely take the whole complete "package" after "twisting" the sound a bit, a very common phenomenon in any language developement over the time and space, for example,

VS giờixuân 春日 chūnrì (SV xuânnhật) 'springtime',
VS giờimọc 日出 rìchū (SV nhậtxuất) 'sunrise',
VS giờilặn 日落 rìluò (SV nhậtlạc) 'sunset',
VS giờingãvềtây 日已西斜 rìyǐxīxié (SV nhậtnhĩtâytà) 'the sun decined to the west',
VS giờingàycànglạnh 日漸寒冷 rìhiànhánlěng (SV nhậttiệmhànlãnh) 'it is getting colder',
VS congiăng # 月球 yuèqíu (SV nguyệtcầu) 'the moon' [ also, Vietnamization: 'the month' ],
VS giăngkhuyết 月虧 yuèkuī (SV nguyệtkhuy) 'crescent moon',
VS giăngtròn 月圓 yuèyuán (SV nguyệtviên) 'fully-rounded moon',
VS giăngrằm 月盈 yuèyíng (SV nguyệtdoanh) 'full moon',

That is to say, the old /blời/ or /blăng/ certainly will not fit well into the compound or phrases because each term stood for only different peiods of Vietnamese development.

In Early Middle Chinese, Ancient Chinese, and Old Chinese, those parallel forms or doublets, or etyma of the same word family for that matter, may concurrently co-exist in contemporary Vietnamese, stemmed from the fact that, as said, they had evolved from either the original Chinese bound compounds or free constituents of which the loanwords obtained therein were adjusted grammatically to fit into the habit of Vietnamese native speakers. There is no big deal about this grammatical discrepancy phenomenon – compare those of French (e.g., 'le ciel bleu') and English (e.g., 'the blue sky') – because sometimes older forms would longer keep the same original syllabic order when the dissyllabic compounds were formed in spoken language over the ages with high frequency of paired words in predicative nouns, adverbal adjectives, verb complements, verb objects, etc., as they entered the borrowing language, and, notably, they all co-exist with Sino-Vietnamese forms with extended derivatives or Chinese original meanings, such as

ngàytháng 日月 rìyuè 'days' [ vs. SV 'nhậtnguyệt' (the sun and the moon) ],
thôinôi 周年 zhōunián 'baby first birthday' [ vs. SV 'châuniên' (anniversary), literally. Note: 周 zhōu > VS 'thôi-' (cease) + 年 nián > VS '-nôi' (cradle) ],
đầytháng 周月 zhōuyuè '(baby's shower when it reaches) one month old' [ 周 zhōu > VS 'đầy-', etc.

giời (trời) 日 rì 'sun' (SV nhật) [ Also, VS 'ngày' (day). For the root of those etyma which have already been elaborated in the previous sections, when viewing this research paper with a wireless device, readers can query Dictionary of Han-Nôm Etymologies and further quotationsfrom Kangxi Dictionary online. ]

Most of the free-form VS 'ngày' (day) in other compounds match nicely with those of 日 rì (day) in Chinese, for example,
- 日日 rìrì 'ngàyngày' (everyday),
- 日月 rìyuè 'ngàytháng' (days),
- 春日 chūnrì 'ngàyxuân' (springtime),
- 每日 měigrì 'mỗingày' (each day),
- 今日 jīnrì # 'ngàynay' (today) [ also cognate to modern Mandarin 今天 jīntiān: VS 'hômnay' ],
- 明日 míngrì #' ngàymai' (tomorrow) [ hence, 'mainày' (the next day) ],
- 來日 láirì #'ngàymai' (future) [ Also, VS 'maiđây' and 'mainày' (in the coming days) ],
- 日常 rìcháng # 'thườngngày' (daily routine) [ hence, VS "ngàythường" (weekday) ],
- 往日 wăngrì # 'ngàyqua' (old days),
- 青天白日 qīngtiānbáirì 'banngàybanmặt' (in the broad daylight),
- 多日不見了 duōrìbùjiànle 'Baongày rồi khônggặp.' (Long time no see.)
- 夏季日長夜短 xiàjì rìchángyèduăn #'mùahè ngàydàiđêmngắn' (in the summer daytime is longer and nighttime shorter),
etc.

Meanwhile, 天 tiān is the word for 'sky', including the concepts of 'heaven' and 'the Almighty', equivalent to Vietnamese 'trời'. Besides the later meaning of 'day' in Chinese, which could have been the result of the process of assimilation, originally it signifies something a little bit more abstract and spiritual such as heaven, the sky, the Almighty, etc, as well. [ Etymologically, M 天 tiān < MC thien < OC *thi:n | FQ 他前 | Note that Hainanese dialect for 前 is pronounced /tai2/, Central Vietnamese dialect 'tời' /təj2/. ] Let us compare the element 天 tiān as 'trời' with some coresponding counterparts in fixed expressions:

Trờiơi 天阿 Tiānna (Oh My Lord) [ cf. "Chènơi!" in vernacular Vietnamese] ,
ÔngTrờigià 老天爺 Lăotiānyé (the Supreme Lord),
trờiđất 天地 tiāndì (heaven and earth) [ cf. "Chènđét(ơi)!" in vernacular Vietnamese] ,,
trờikhông 天空 tiānkōng (sky),
trêntrời # 天上 tiānshàng (upper in the sky), or (in the Heaven),
trờicho 天賜 tiāncí (bestowed by the Heaven),
trờisáng 天亮 tiānliàng (daybreak),
trờitối 天黑 tiānhēi (it's getting dark),
trờimưa # 雨天 yǔtiān (the wet day),
khítrời # 天氣 tiānqì (weather),
trờirâm # 陰天 yīntiān (overcast),
trờitạnh # 晴天 qīngtiān (clear sky),
trờihè # 夏天 xiàtiān (summertime),
trờithu # 秋天 qīutiān (autumn sky),
trờilạnh 天冷 tiānlěng (cold day),
trờinóng 天暖 tiānnuăn (warm day),
trờinực 天熱 tiānrè (hot day),
trờivàomưa # 黃梅天 huángméitiān (the rainy season) [ hence, VS 'mùamưa' ]
trờisinh 天生 tiānshēng (inborn),
trờisinhcóđôi 天生一對 tiānshēngyīduì (born to be a couple),
trờisinhcótài 天生才子 tiānshēngcáizi (born a genius),
trờicaocómắt # 老天有眼 lăotiānyǒuyăn (the Providence is watching),
trờiđánh(thánhđâm) 天打(雷斃) tiāndă(léipì) (deserve to be punished by the Almighty),
chântrờigócbể # 天涯海角 tiānyáháijiăo (remote corners of the earth),
trờicaođấtrộng 天高地厚 tiāngāodìhòu (the vastness of the universe),
lướitrờilồnglộng # 天羅地網 tiānluódìwăng: SV 'thiênlađịavõng' (a plot in the Heavens, a trap in the Earth),
độitrờiđạpđất 頂天立地 dǐngtiānlìdì (to stand upright to confront the world),
trờibấtdunggian 天不容姦 tiānbùróngjiān (the Almighty will not let those bad people get away),
khôngđộitrờichung# 不共戴天 bùgòngdàitiān (not to live under the same sky with somebody),
trờitruđấtdiệt 天誅地滅 tiānzhūdìmiè (the Almighty will punish all those evil people),
sốmệnhdotrời # 聽天由命 tìngtiānyóumìng (Human fate is predestined by the Almighty.",
ôngtơbànguyệt # 天公月老 tiānăyuèlăo (The ruler of the heaven and the matchmaker fairy",
longtrờilỡđất驚天動地 tiāndòngdì: SV 'kinhthiênđộngđịa' (Sky-rocking and earth shaking),
'Chỉcó trời hiểuđược!' 只有天曉得! Zhǐyǒu tiān xiăodé! (Only God could understand!),

and so on so forth.

Overall, numerous occurrences of 天 tiān as cited above map well into the Vietnamese concept of not only 'trời' and 'giời' for 日 rì but also 'hôm' and 'ngày' with the connotation of 'day' that fits nicely into all of the possible respective Chinese derivatives, i.e., 天 tiān being found assimilated well with 'trời', 'hôm', and 'ngày' in Vietnamese. They all are both interchangeable relating to relevant modern Chinese compounds with corresponding meanings, e.g., 兩天 liăngtiān > 'vàihôm' (a couple of days), 昨天 zuótiān > # 'hômqua' (yesterday), etc. Hence, we can say that, though Chinese 日 rì and 天 tiān could be regarded as word of the same family, or doublets, just like 'trời' and 'giời' in Vietnamese. In the 16th century, nevertheless, there existed in Vietnamese the words 'blời' and 'blăng' for 'trời' and 'trăng', respectively, but that only happened in a later stage of development, given that they were found in Hoàbình Province where Vietnmuong speakers concentrated the most who had been frequented and interacted the most with earlier Western missionaries who had had avoided the Kinh's lowland metropolitan areas for fear of execution because they had been blacklisted by the later kings of the Nguyen Dynasty for their religous propaganda. At the same time, linguistically, it was also speculated that the complex consonantal initial /bl-/ could have infiltriated into modern Vietnamese language from the Chamic language in the lately acquired southern territory controlled by the early Nguyen kings that was as large as the northern counterpart.

In the meanwhile, other reference of the concept of "Trời" as "the Supreme Almighty" could apply to the words depending on the context and usage, for example,

Trời 帝 dì (SV đế) [ M 帝 dì < MC teij < OC *teks | Cantonese /dai3/, Hakka /di5/, Vietnamese Central subdialect read 'tời' /təj2/ | Note: as a doublet 帝 dì (SV đế) co-exist with 天 tiān and the term could be pausibly a candiadate for another lexicon of the concept 'trời' with the meaning 'Supreme Power' that later had been used to identify with the Emperor as opposed to the King. (Kangxi: 王天下之號也。《爾雅·釋詁》君也。《呂氏春秋》帝者，天下之所適。王者，天下之所往。《管子·兵法篇》察道者帝，通德者王。《史記·高帝紀》乃卽皇帝位汜水之南。《註》蔡邕曰：上古天子稱皇，其次稱帝。又上帝，天也。《易·鼎卦》聖人亨，以享上帝。《書·舜典》肆類于上帝。|| ex. 上帝 Shàngdì: SV 'Thượngđế' (the Supreme Being, the Almighty, God) ],

giăng 月 yuè 'moon' (SV nguyệt) [ ~ VS 'trăng' (moon) ~ 'tháng' (month) | M 月 yuè < MC jwjat < AC *jwot | (See elaboration on this etymology in the previous chapter.) ]

trăngkhuyết 月虧 yuèkuī (crescent moon),
trăngrằm 月盈 yuèyíng (full moon) [ the moon in the 15th of the month in lunar calendar' ],
trănglên # 新月 xīnyù (new moon),
trăngtàn # 殘月 cányuè (old moon),
dướitrăng # 月下 yuèxià (under the moon),
vầngtrăng # 月暈 yuèyùn (the rounded ring illuminated around the moon; hence, simply, 'the moon'),
thángđủ # 大月 dàyuè (month with 30 days in lunar calendar; hence, 31 days in Julian calendar),
thángthiếu # 小月 xiăoyuè (month with 29 days in lunar calendar; hence, 30 days in Julian calendar) [ Also, 'thiếutháng' (miscarriage) ] ,
thánggiêng # 正月 zhèngyuè (the 1st month),
thángchạp # 臘月 làyuè (the 12th month),
thángngày # 日月 rìyuè (days) [ Also, 'ngàytháng' ]
đầytháng 周月 zhōuyuè (baby reachesone month old; hence, 'one-month old baby shower'),
tuầntrăngmật # 渡蜜月 dùmìyuè ('honeymoon),
mặtrăng 月亮 yuèliàng (the moon),
ánhtrăng nóihộ lòng em # 月亮代表我的心 Yuèliàng dàibiăo wǒde xīn 'The moon stands for my love to you.',

bố 父 fù 'father' (SV phụ) [ cf. 'ba' 爸 , 'cha' 爹 diè (VS tía) (daddy) ],
mẹ 母 mǔ 'mother' (SV mẫu) [ Also, its variants as 'mợ' (both 'mother' and 'uncle's wife'), 'mái' (of female fowls). cf. 'nạ' 娘 niáng (mommy) ],
con 子 zǐ 'child, son' (SV tử) [ M 子 zǐ < MC tsjɤ < OC *cɑʔ | According to Starostin: child, son, daughter, young person; prince; a polite substitute for 'you' Also read *cjəʔ-s, MC cjy\, Mand. zì 'to treat as a son'. Related is 字 *tɕjəʔ-s 'to breed' q. v. The character is also used for an homonymous word *cjəʔ 'the first of the Earthly Branches' (in Sino-Viet.: tý). | Dialects: Fuzhou 囝 kiaŋ, kiã (M jiăn), Hainanese /ke1/, as it has been pointed out that this lexicon could have originated from Austroasiatic *kiã ‘son, child’ where one found Minnan Fuzhou 囝 kiaŋ (kiã) as a sure indigenous cognate. ],
người 人 rén 'human' (SV nhân) [ M 人 rén < MC ɲin < OC *nin | Chinese dialects Beijing: ʐjən12, Jinan: ʐẽ12, Xi'an: ʐẽ12, Taiyuan: zjəŋ1, Hankou: njən12, Chengdu: zjən12, Yangzhou: ljən12, Suzhou: zjən12 (lit.); ɳin12, Wenzhou: zaŋ12, Changsha: ʐjən12, Shuangfeng: in12, Nanchang: lan31, Meixian: ɳin12, Guangzhou: jan12, Xiamen: zin12 (lit.); laŋ12, Chaozhou: naŋ12, Fuzhou: iŋ12 (lit.); louyŋ12, Shanghai: zjəŋ 32 (lit.); niŋ32, ZYYY: zijən12 | According to Starostin: human being, person, man; other persons, others; a person, someone. For initial *n- cf. Min forms: Xiamen laŋ2, Chaozhou naŋ2, Fuzhou nouŋ2, Jianou neiŋ2. The closest external parallel is probably Tib. ɲen, gnen a relative - obviously derived from ɲe near (= OC 邇 *nejʔ q.v.). Thus OC *nin is an old -n- derivate < *nej-n. | For ¶ /r-, y- ~ ng-/, cf. 日 rì (SV nhật) VS 'ngày', 牙 yá (nha) VS 'răng' (tooth) ~ SV ngà (ivory, which is believed to have an Austroasiatic origin), 壓 yàn VS 'ngán' (get bored of). If 'nhân' could evolve into ngân (cf.. Hai. njəŋ32, Chaozhou naŋ12), it could become 'người'. For ¶ /-n ~ -i/, cf. 蒜 suān 'tỏi' (garlic), 泉 quán 'suối' (stream), 線 xiàn 'sợi' (thread), etc. ],
anh 兄 xiōng 'older brother' (SV huynh) [ M 兄 xiōng < MC xwyajɲ < OC *smraŋ | ¶ The de-aspiration of the initial h- definitely could give rise to -uynh => 'anh'. cf. 轟 hōng (SV oanh), 'anhtam' (ancient Vietnamese) for 兄弟 xiōngdì (SV huynhđệ) or VS 'anhem' (brothers) ] ,
trai 丁 dīng 'man' (SV đinh) [ M 丁 dīng < MC tieŋ < OC *te:ŋ | According to Starostin, a somewhat later meaning (attested since Jin) is 'nail, peg' - more usually written as 釘. Within the onomatopoeic reduplication 丁丁 'go zheng zheng, sound of beating' the character is read as *tre:ŋ, MC taiŋ (FQ 中莖), Pek. zhe:ng, (Japanese) Go tiyau, Kan tau (thus in Shi 7,1). ],
non 山 shān 'mountain' (SV 'san', also, 'sơn'),
sông 川 chuān 'river' (SV 'xuyên'),
nước 水 shuǐ 'water' (SV 'thuỷ') [ Also, 'body of water' ],
nước 淂 dé (SV đắc) [ cf. 'ancient Vietnamese 'đák' | M 淂 dé ~ M 得 dé, děi, de < MC tɤk < OC *tjə:k ],
đất 土 tǔ 'soil' [ as opposed to 'earth', 'land' 地 dì (SV 'địa'; also, VS 'đất') ],
đồng 田 tián (SV điền) 'cultivated field' (SV điền) [ Also, săn 'hunt', cf. VS ruộng 垌 tóng (SV đồng) 'paddy field' | M 田 tián < MC dien < OC *lhi:n (note the initial l-) | FQ 徒年 | ¶ OC *l- ~ r- for 'ruộng' (the interchange /s- ~ r-/ is common in Chinese ~ Vietnamese etymology.) | According to Starostin: For *lh- cf. Min forms (with secondary palatalization): Chaozhou chaŋ2, Fuzhou cheŋ2, Jianou chaiŋ2. Used also for a homonymous (and possibly related) *lhi:n 'to hunt'; for the derived *lhi:n-s, MC dien (FQ 堂練) 'to cultivate, till; royal domain'. Sino-Tibetan: Protoform: *li:ŋ. Meaning: field, Chinese: 田 *lhi:n field. Tibetan: gliŋ island, continent, region, country; z/iŋ field, ground, soil, arable land. Burmese: kraɲh dry land, ground (OB kraɲ). Kachin: mjəliŋ1 a forest, woods. Lepcha: ljaŋ the earth. Comments: BG: Garo buruŋ, briŋ forest, Dimasa ha-bliŋ field in second year of cultivation; Moshang, Namsangia liŋ forest, Rawang mjəliŋ id. Simon 27; Sh. 435; Ben. 40, 80-81; Peiros-Starostin 212. Matisoff (Mat. 176) compares the Burm. form with Jnp. kriŋ1 firm, stable kriŋ1-muŋ2 hill (see *ɫiŋ) | Note also the association with 'rừng' (forest) in Vietnamese. ],
mưa 雨 yǔ 'rain' (SV vũ) [ ¶ y- ~ m- ],
lửa 火 huǒ 'fire' (SV hoả) [ M 火 huǒ < MC xwʌ < OC *smjə:jʔ | ¶ hw- ~ l-: Cf 大伙 dàhuǒ: VS cảlũ (the whole gang), 同伙 tónghuǒ: VS đồngloã (accomplice), 過 guò: SV quá /wa5/ ~ VS lỗi (fault), 灣 wān: SV loan (bay); 話 huà: VS lời (spoken words), 裸体 luǒtǐ: SV loãthể (naked) ~ 果 guǒ: SV quả /wả/) ],
mắt 目mù 'eye' (SV mục) (Note that similar words also appear throughout many Austroasiatic and Austronesian languages),
sọ 首 shǒu 'skull' (SV thủ) [ M 首 shǒu ~ M 頭 tóu < MC dɤw < OC *dho: ],
mặt 面 miàn 'face' (SV diện) [ M 面 miàn < MC mjen < OC *mhens | According to Starostin: Sino-Tibetan face; to face; face to face. Viet. men is a colloquial loanword (with the meaning 'to face' < 'to approach'); regular Sino-Viet. is diện. For *mh- cf. Xiamen bin6, Chaozhou miŋ6, Fuzhou meŋ5, Jianou miŋ6. | For Sino-Tibetan etymologies, we have Kachin: man1, Lushei: hme:l face, looks, appearance (cf. also hmai the face), Lepcha: mlem, a-mlem face || Note: For ¶ /-n ~ -t/, the sound change is the result of a process of denasalization and dissimilation. In the case of MC mjen > -jen > -jet, an abrupt shifting and denasalizing -n to -t might give rise to -jat. Similar for the ¶ /-en, -an ~ at/, they appear to be plentiful, ex. 咽 yàn: nuốt (swallow); 粉 fén: bột (flour); 分 fēn: phút (minute), 淡 dàn: nhạt ~ lạt (insipid); 晕 yùn : ngất (to faint), 忙 máng: mắc ~ bận (busy), 亡 wáng: mất (pass away), etc. In compounds, there are 面孔 miànkǒng: khuônmặt (facial shape), 面貌 miànmào: mặtmày (facial look), 沒面子 méimiànzi: mấtmặt (lose face), 前面 qiánmiàn: mặtrước (front), 後面 hòumiàn: mặtsau (back), etc. ],
tim 心 xīn 'heart' (SV tâm) [ Also, VS 'lòng' ],
chân 足 zú 'foot' (SV túc) [ Also, 'giò' | 'M 足 zú < MC tsjouk < OC *ɕok | cf. 'chân' 腳 jiăo (leg), 'cẳng' 脛 jìng (shin) ],
mồm 口 kǒu 'mouth' (SV khẩu) [ Also, 'cửa' (opening' | M 口 kǒu < MC khʊw < OC *kho:ʔ | FQ 苦后 | Cant. /hou3/ ~> 'mồm'~ 'miệng' 吻 wěn (SV vẫn) | According to Starostin, Protoform *khua. Meaning: mouth, hole, Chinese: 口 *kho:ʔ mouth.Burmese: ku a cave, cavity, grave. Kachin: (H) khu a hole, opening. Lushei: kua (ko) a hole, a burrow, a cavity. Comments: BG *k(h)u mouth: Garo ku ~ khu, Dimasa khu. Ben. 184. ],
tay 手 shǒu 'hand' (SV thủ) [ cf. Japanese /te1/ (See elaboration on its etymology in the previous chapter.) ]

Additionally, we may also want to include some other words, of dubious nature though, associated with numerous earliest Chinese basic characters as discussed in the previous chapter:

một 一 yī 'one' (SV nhất /ɲɐt7/),
hai 二 ēr 'two' (SV nhị /ɲej6/),
ba 三 sān 'three' (SV tam /tam1/) [ cf. Hainanese /ta1/; also, 仨 sā (SV ta): 'the three' ],
gỗ 木 mù 'tree, timber' (SV mộc) [ M 木 mù < MC muk < OC *mho:k | Shuowen : 冒也. 冒地而生. 東方之行. 從 . 下象其根. 凡木之屬皆從木. Note: Initial *mh- is suggested by Meixian muk7. "gỗ" is associated with M 材 cái (SV tài) < MC ʑʊj < OC *ʑhjə: contraction of the symnomynous compound 木材 mùcái (SV 'mộctài'). ],
etc.

Based on those basic pictorial characters, in later times more sophisticated ideograms were developed as in:

đất 地 dì 'land' (SV địa) [ M 地 dì < MC di < OC *ɫhajs | According to Starostin, MC di\ is irregular (*d.e\ would be normally expected). | cf. 土地 tǔdì (SV thổđịa): 'đấtđai' (land), 土 tǔ (SV thổ): 'đất' (soil) ],
sao 星 xīng 'star' (SV tinh) [ Also, 'tạnh' 晴 qīng (clear sky) ],
mây 雲 yún 'cloud' (SV vân),
mù 霧 wù 'foggy' (SV vụ) [ In archaic usage it was also used to denote the concept of 'cloud'. ],
sông 江 jiāng 'river' (SV giang),
sáng 明 míng 'bright' (SV minh) [ cf. 明兒 míngr VS '(ngày)mai' (tomorrow) ],
cha 爹 diè 'daddy' (SV đa) [ Also, VS 'tía', in northwestern Mandarin father is also called /ta3/ ],
ba 爸 bā 'dad' (SV ba),
má 媽 mā 'mom' (SV ma),
nạ 娘 niáng 'mom' (SV nương) [ archaic in Vietnamese, now like Chine, used as 'nàng' (miss), but, interstingly, in Beijing dialect as well as other northern Mandarin pronunciations, 'mother' is also called niár /niã5/ ],
nóng 燙 tàng '(boiling) hot' (SV tháng),
coi 看 kàn 'look' (SV khán) [ VS also 'khám' (examine), M 看 kàn, kān < MC khʌn < OC *kha:ns | According to Starostin: to inquire, investigate; to see, look (Han). Also read *kha:n (~-r), MC khʌn, Mand. ka:n 'to guard, preserve' (Sui). | ¶ /k- ~ k-/, /x-/; /-n ~ -i/ ],
đầu 頭 tóu 'head' (SV đầu),
chân 腳 jiăo 'leg' (SV cước) [cf. 腳板 jiăobăn for VS # 'bànchân' (sole of the foot); interestingly, we also have 巴腳 bājiăo ],
chạy 走 zǒu 'run' (SV tẩu) [ modern Mandarin also uses this word for the concept of 'walk' ],

Again, in this research paper the author is not trying to prove the genetic affinity of the Vietnamese and Chinese languages, yet, as you can see clearly in Shafer's wordlist of the Sino-Tibetan languages, their influential implications are so immense and deeply rooted in the cited lexicons ranging from the common ones to their extended derivatives in all areas that they are inseparable elements of the Vietnamese language; in other words, similar to those usages in Chinese to the point that they are often seen as straigth-forward copycats or loanwords. Furthermore, different forms of those vocabularies therefore embrace words in many other fundamental realms as well, which doubtless shows a strong affiliation with Chinese, suggesting Vietnamese a hidden member of the Sino-Tibetan linguistic family.

We shall further expand more of basic words of this nature and explore the possibilities of their cognateness in the following sections. The list will encompass, but not be limited to, all areas of dundamental vocabularies that Nguyen Ngoc San has emphasized in his book (Ibid. 1993. p. 95), too, thinking they should be of Mon-Khmer origin, but he might be wrong.

Note: the list provided herein is representative and inclusive, not as complete list. Many cited etyma hereof have been already cited and elaborated elsewhere in the previous chapters. Unless they are revisited for emphasis, I might forget and simply repeat myself. When in doubt, double-check by pressing <Ctrl + F> or searching my etymology database at http://han-viet.com. Nevertheless, remember that the closer the sounds are the more likely they are recent loanwords from Chinese, as the common sense goes.

Samples of Chinese-Vietnamese basic cognates

Family relations:

In addition to those lexicons of kinship such as 'cha' 爹 diè 'father' (VS tía), 'anh' 兄 xiōng 'older brother' (SV huynh), etc., as intially cited above, here are many more:

ông 公 gōng 'grandfather' (SV công) [ Derivatives: VS 'cồ', 'trống' '(of fowls) male'; also conveying the meaning 'Mister', all that matches exactly to what it means in Chinese. Cf. doublet 翁 wēng for SV 'ông' (old man), also 'lông' (feather) ],
ôngnội 爺爺 yéye '(paternal) grandfather' (SV giagia) [ in place of the non-extant 內公 nèigōng (SV nộicông) ],
ôngngoại 外公 wàigōng '(maternal) grandfather' (SV ngoạicông),
bà 婆 pó 'grandmother' (SV bà) [ Inclusive usage in Vietnamese ],
bàngoại 外婆 wàigōng '(maternal) grandmother' (SV ngoạibà),
bànội 奶奶 năinai '(paternal) grandmother' (SV nãinãi) [ also, '姥姥 lăolào' (SV lãolão)，in place of the non-extant 内婆 nèipó (SV nộibà) ],
tôi 我 wǒ 'I, me' (SV ngã) [ Also VS 'qua', 'mỗ' | M 我 wǒ < MC ŋʌ < OC *ŋha:jʔ || According to Starostin: I, we; my, our (inclusive, according to Yakhontov) The form 吾 *ŋha:ʔ (a later subjective/objective counterpart of 我) is still used very rarely during Early Zhou; several times there occurs also an emphatic form *ŋha:ŋ 'I for my part'. Initial *ŋh- is suggested here by archaic Min forms: Chaozhou ua3, Jianou ŋuoi8 // ue|8 (see ROCP 126). || Note: in OC there exist many words to address 'I, me, we.. ' such as 吾, 余... but they all are related in pronunciation. We also see 咱 zà (VS 'ta') ~ zān (as in 咱們 zánměn, VS chúngmình 'we, us') which gives us the lead to 'tôi' /toj1/ as seen as possibly contaminated by 婢 bì (SV tì /tej2/). Should it be the case, on the one hand, Vietnamese 'tôi' might have emerged very late only in the last few centuries that has been speculated to have originated from 婢 bì (SV tì) as in 奴婢 núbì (SV nôtì) or 'servant', a humble way to address oneself, equivalent to the literary form of 在下 zàixià (SV tạihạ). On the other hand, if 'tôi' is put into the phonological context with 'wǒ' 我, etymon 找 zhăo as 'tòi' in 'tìmtòi' (to look for), and the association with the form 我倆 wǒliăng to give rise to 'đôilứa' meaning 'we both'). At the same time, there exist also 余 yù, 咱 zà or zān, all could be the plausible form, respectively, as in some dialectal Chinese the former means 'tôi' and the latter 'ta'. This, however, may not be the case of sound changes due to frequency but probably usage replacement synchronically as the dialectal form VS 'qua' /wa1/ shown to be plausibly cognate to 我 wǒ. ]
đôilứa 我倆 wǒliăng 'we both, two of us' (SV ngãlưỡng),
chúngmình 咱們 zánměn 'we, exclusively' (SV tamôn),
mình 我們 wǒmén 'we' (Beijing sub-diatlect 'mne'),
ta 咱 zá 'we, inclusively' (SV ta),
nàng 娘 niáng 'young lady' (SV nương) [ short form for 'cônàng' 姑娘 gūniáng 'young lady) (SV cônương) ],
chồng 君 jūn 'husband' (SV quân) [ Inclusive usage in Vietnamese. cf. 'chàng' 郎 láng (SV lang); otherwise, 丈夫 ],
vợ 婦 fù 'wife' (SV phụ) [ cf. old VS 'bụa' as in VS 'goábụa' (widow) for 寡婦 guăfù (SV 'quảphụ') ],
vợlẻ 妻妾 qīqiè 'concubine' (SV thêthiếp) [ Also, 'vợnhỏ', 'vợbé' (mistress) ],
chị 姊 zǐ 'older sister' (SV tỷ) [ M 姊 zǐ, jiě < MC tsjɨ < OC *ɕjəjʔ, *ɕjəj | cf. doublet M 姐 jiě (SV thư) ],
em 妹 mēi 'younger sister' (SV muội) [ VS 'bậu'. Note that by means of metathesis, a possible case of sound changes due to duplicative frequency. | cf. M 妹妹 mēimēi => 'em(gái)' ],
em 俺 ăn 'younger brother' (SV am) [ Dialectal Chinese, especially popular with northeastern Mandarin speakers. In Chinese this term seems to be limited to a man to address himself to an older person. There is another term 萼 è (SV ngạc) equivalent 'em' to mean 'younger brother' as found in dialectal usages but it is not analoguosly equivalent to 'anh' 兄 xiōng 'older brother a the same etymological level. Let us assume that there is one as such and there should be one, probably existing in some dialects, since all other forms appear to be hand in hand with those in Mandarin except for 'tam' 弟 dì 'younger brother', as in 'anhtam' 兄弟 xiōngdì, (cf. 'tamcấp' # 樓梯 lóutỉ or stairs‘ ) which had probably long been contaminated with 'em' 妹 mēi, as opposed to VS 'anh' 兄 xiōng (SV huynh). ], etc.

Which forms go hand in hand in Mandarin and Vietnamese? Interestingly, there exist equivalent addressing forms in Vietnamese in comparison with modern Mandarin terms, of which the whole set of both maternal and paternal kinship from uncles and aunts to nephews and nieces all matches closely in its knitted hierarchy, such as

cô 姑 gū (paternal aunt, especially father's younger sister) [ Also, 'you lady' short form for 'cônàng' 姑娘 gūniáng 'young lady' (SV cônương) ],
cậu 舅 jìu (maternal uncle, or mother's younger brother),
chú 叔 shù (paternal uncle, or father's younger brother),
thím 嬸 shěn (wife of father's younger younger brother),
bác 伯 bó (paternal uncle, or father's older brother),
dì 姨 yí (maternal aunt or mother's younger sister),
mợ 母 mǔ (maternal uncle's wife, or mother's younger brother's wife) [ Interestingly, 'mợ' can be used to call one's mother in northern Vietnamese subdialect. The sound 'mợ' is derived from 'cậumợ' 舅母 jìumǔ (maternal uncle's wife). ],
cháu 侄 (姪) zhí (nephew or niece),
cháuđíchtôn 嫡孫子 dísūnzi (first grandson),

dượng [ SV 'trượng' 丈 zhàng, analogous to the contracted form 'mợ' from 舅母 jìumǔ, is a contraction derived from (1) 'côdượng' 姑丈 gūzhàng (paternal aunt's husband), (2) 'dìdượng' 姨丈 yízhàng (maternal aunt's husband); interestingly, the contracted form of 'dượng', inclusively, from 姐丈 jiězhàng is similarly used to address one's brother-in-law, especially that of elder sidter's husband. ],
mẹghẻ # 繼母 jìmǔ (step-mother) [ SV 'kếmẫu' inclusive, being in common usage as well. ],
bốghẻ # 繼父 jìfù (step-father) [ However, 'chaghẻ' 繼爹 jìdiè, a non-extant term in Chinese, similar to 'ôngnội' 內公 or 'bànội' 内婆 nèipó in Vietnamese. ]
mẹruột # 親母 qīnmǔ (natural mother) [ SV 'mẫuthân' inclusive ],
bốruột # 親父 qīnfù (natural father) [ SV 'thânphụ' inclusive ],

xuigia 親家 qīnjiā (the in-laws) SV thângia [ also, derivate as VS 'thônggia' 親家 qìngjiā ],
bốvợ # 岳父 yuèfù (father-in-law) SV nhạcphụ,
mẹvợ # 岳母 yuèmǔ (mother-in-law) SV nhạcmẫu,
chịdâu # 嫂子 săozi (older sister-in-law),
(con)dâu 兒媳(婦) érxí(fù) (daughter-in-law),
(con)rể (女)婿 (nǚ)xù (son-in-law),
cộtchèo 連襟 liánjīn (husbands of sisters),
chịemdâu 妯娌 zhóulǐ (sisters-in-law),

Natural phenomena and environmental surroundings:

In addition to those etyma already cited peviously, below are several more basic lexicons that belong to the fundamental linguistic realm:

sáng 亮 liàng 'bright' (SV lượng) [ Also, VS 'xinh' (pretty) | M 亮 liàng < MC lɑŋ < OC *raŋʔs | FQ 力讓 | Hai. /siaŋ1/ | According to Starostin: For OC *r- cf. Xiamen liaŋ6, Chaozhou liaŋ4, Fuzhou lioŋ6, Jianou lio|ŋ6. Cf. also 朗 *ra:ŋʔ, 景 *kraŋʔ 'bright', 爽 *sraŋʔ 'bright, dawn'. || Note their doublets 朗 *ra:nŋʔ 'bright', 亮 *raŋʔ 'brightness', 景 *kraŋʔ 'bright', 爽 *sraŋʔ 'bright, dawn', etc. ],
sáng 晨 chén 'morning' (SV thìn) [ M 晨 chén < MC tʂin < OC * dhjər | FQ 植鄰 | Dialects: Changsha ʂjʌən12, Nanchang sjən31, Meixian sjən12, Cant. sʌn12, Amoy sin12, Chaozhou siŋ12, Fuzhou siŋ12 ],
trưa 晝 zhòu 'noon' (SV trú) [ M 晝 zhòu < MC ʈǝw < OC *triws | Pulleyblank: LMC triw < EMC: *trow | According to Starostin: OC *-iw-s is reconstructed because the word is sometimes written (as a loan) as 調 in Shi.],
chiều 昃 zè 'afternoon' (SV trắc) [ cf. 朝陽 zhāoyáng: VS 'nắngchiều' (afternoon sun) ],
xế 夕 xī 'dusk' (SV tịch),
tối 宵 xiāo 'night' (SV tiêu) [ M 宵 xiāo < MC sjew < OC *saw ],
tối 黑 hēi 'dark' (SV hắc) [ M 黑 hēi < MC xɤk < OC *smjə:k | MC reading 曾開一入德曉 || ex. 黑暗 hēi'àn (SV hắcám): VS 'tốităm' (darkness), 天黑了 Tiān hēi le: VS 'Trời tối rồi' (It is getting dark now.) ],
gió, giông 風 fēng 'wind' (SV phong) [ M 風 fēng < MC pjuŋ < OC *pjɔm, prɔm < PC: **pryŋʷ, *prym | ¶ M 風 fēng ~ giông /dʒŋʷ/ -> gió /dʒɔ/ ~ phong /pfɔŋʷ/, © 凬 | § 虫 chóng (trùn) giun || ex. 'giôngtố' # 颱風 táifēng (typhoon), 風雨 fēngyǔ > # 'mưagiông' > 'mưagió' (rainstorm) ],
bão 暴 bào 'storm' (SV bạo) [ M 暴 bào < MC bjəw < OC *ba:kws | cf. 'giôngbão' ~ 'gióbão' 暴風 bàofēng 'storm' ],
nắng 陽 yáng 'sunshine' (SV dương) [ M 陽 yáng < MC jaŋ < ɬaŋ | MC reading 宕開三平陽以 | According to Starostin: sunshine, sunshiny place. Specific meanings attested in archaic literature are: (sunshiny place). Viet. has also a word nắng 'sunny' - which may be an earlier loan from the same source (with nasal assimilation). The character is also (since Han) sometimes written as 昜 without the radical. | Cf. (Tibetan languages) Burmese: lanh be bright, clear, transparent. Kachin: leŋ3 be light, bright. Lushei: liŋ (lin) be red-hot, be aglow. Lepcha: lo/ŋ, a-lo/ŋ reflective light | ex. trờinắng 太陽 tàiyáng 'sunny', ánhnắng 陽光 yángguāng 'sun ray' ],
đìa 池 chí 'pool' (SV trì) [ M 池 chí < MC ɖe < OC *ɫaj | FQ 直離 | cf. dialectal derivative 池子 chízi: VS 'cáichậu' (pail) ],
ao 湖 hú 'lake' (SV hồ) [ M 胡 hú < MC ɠo < OC *gha: | cf. Min forms: Xiamen o2, Chaozhou ou2.],
khe 溪 xī 'crevice' (SV khê) [ M 溪 xī < MC khiej < OC *khe: | According to Starostin: mountain stream, crevice (L.Zhou). Regular Sino-Viet. is khê. Mand. has also a doublet (and more usual) reading xi: (without a MC origin) ],
suối 川 chuān 'stream' (SV xuyên) [ M 川 chuān < MC ʨwen < OC *thon | MC reading 山合三平仙昌 | Note: 川 chuān (SV xuyên) makes us think right away 'sông', but 'sông' certainly was derived from 'krong' ~> 江 (phonetic stem 工 /kong/) as in Mekong (Mêkông) 湄江 Méijiāng. 川 chuān (xuyên) may be related to /kong/ as a doublet 川 chuān that appears to be older than 江 jiāng 'sông' which was derived from the native word for river *'krong', especially the Yangtze River. In the meanwhile, 'suối' is closer to 川 chuān (SV xuyên) phonetically and semantically. Hence, 泉 quán (SV tuyền) as 'suối' is regarded as a doublet of later development.],
tạnh 晴 qīng, qíng 'clear sky (after a rain)' (SV tanh) [ M 晴 (星) qīng (also SV tành, tinh, tình) | MC reading A: 梗開三平清從; B: 梗開三平清精 | For the doublet 星 xīng (tinh) ~ VS 'sao' < MC sieŋ < OC *she:ŋ , according to Starostin, 星 Sino-Tibetan star; asterism, constellation. The character was also used in Early Zhou for another word, *tɕeŋ 'to become clear (of sky)' (MC tɕjeŋ, Mand. qíng, Viet. tình; despite Schuessler, this word is quite distinct etymologically from *she:ŋ 'star'). Since Han this word was denoted by a different character, 晴. For the latter, standard Sino-Viet. is tình, but there also exists a colloquial loan from the same source, Viet. tạnh. For OC *sh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen chĩ1, Chaozhou chẽ1. | See 'sao' 星 xīng (star) ],

Spiritual beliefs:

trờiơi 天阿 tiānna 'Oh My Lord' (SV thiên-a) [ See more of 'trời'-related conceptual polysyllabic words above. ],
Bụt 佛 Fó 'Buddha' (SV Phật),
Chúa 主 'Lord' Zhǔ (SV chủ) [ cf. 天主 Tiānzhǔ (SV Thiênchúa): VS 'Chúatrời' (God), and 'chúanhật' zhurì 主日 zhǔrì (SV 'chủnhật') in modern Mandarin (literally, 'Day of the Lord') for Sunday. ],
thiêng 靈 líng 'sacred' (SV linh) [ M 靈 líng < MC lieŋ < OC *re:ŋ | ¶ l- ~ th-, hence, VS 'linhthiêng' @ 神靈 shénlíng (SV thầnlinh) (sacred), 'hiệnlên' 見靈 xiànling. ]
hiểnlinh 顯靈 xiănglíng 'epiphanic',
nhiệmmàu 玄妙 xuánmiào 'miracle' (SV huyềndiệu),
thầymo (~ phùthuỷ) 巫師 wúshī (SV vusư) 'witch, sorceress' [ @# 巫師 wūshī \ @ 師 shī ~ thuỷ (thỉ?) \ 巫 wū ~ phù \ ¶ w- ~ ph-, m- | (1) M 巫 wú < MC mʊ < OC *mha || (2) M 師 shī < MC ʂi < OC *srij | FQ 疏夷 | § 時 shí (SV thời, thì), ex. 師徒 shītú (SV sưđồ): (1) 'thầytrò' (master and pupil), 'thầythợ' (master and apprentice), (2) thầygiáo (teacher) @# 教師 jiàoshī (SV giáosư) | cf. mụbà 巫婆 wúpó (SV vubà) 'witch, sorceress' ],
bói 卜 bǔ 'devine' (SV bốc) [ Also, VS 'bùa' | M 卜 bǔ < MC puk po:k | FQ 博木 | According to Starostin: divine by bone or tortoise shell oracle ],
ma 魔 mó 'ghost' (SV ma) [ M mó < MC mwʌ < OC *mha: | According to Starostin: ghost, devil (Wei). The word (*mha: in Late Old Chinese) is a contraction of 魔羅 *mha:-la: < Sanskr. ma:ra 'spirit of death, evil ghost'. ],
quỷ 鬼 guǐ 'spirit' (SV quỉ) [ M 鬼 guǐ < MC kwɤj < OC *kujʔ | According to Starostin: Sino-Tibetan spirit, ghost (apparently not spirits of the deceased), hence, 魔鬼 móguǐ (SV maquỉ) 'ghosts' ],
ám 黯 àn 'spiritually possessed' (SV ám),
phùhộ 保佑 băoyòu 'bless' [ Note: an association case using semantic and phonetic elements of 扶護 fúhù (SV phùhộ)' that carries the similar meaning. ],
thần 神 shén 'heavenly saint' (SV thần) [ M 神 shén < MC dʑin < OC *ljən | FQ 食鄰 | See 'thiêng' for VS 'linhthiêng' @ 神靈 shénlíng (SV thầnlinh) (sacred) ],
thánh 聖 shèng 'saint' [ cf. 神聖 shénshèng (SV thầnthánh) 'saints', 'sacred' ],
tiên 仙 xiān 'fairy'
hồn 魂 hún 'soul',
vía 魄 pó 'spiritedness', [ ex. 魂魄 húnpó (SV hồnphách) VS hồnvía ],
dè 忌 jì 'dread' (SV kị) [ cf. 'giỗ'. See 祭 jì (SV tế) 'sacrificial ceremony' ],
giỗ 祭 jì 'a ceremony to offer sacrifice to the spirits' (SV tế) [ Also, VS 'kị' | M 祭 jì, Zhài (tế, Sái) < MC tɕjɜj < OC *ɕets ],
vái 拜 bài 'clapping hands to pray' (SV bái) [ Also, 'lạy' (kowtow on one's knees) ],
thắpnhang 燒香 shāoxiāng 'burn incense in sacrificial ceremony' (SV thiêuhương) [ Also, VS 'đốtnhang' | M 燒 shāo, shào < MC ʂew < OC *snɛw || M 香 xiāng < MC xaŋ < OC *xaŋ (Starostin: fragrance, smell. Viet. has also a colloquial reading 'nhang', probably reflecting the same Chinese source with nasal assimilation). ],
cúng 供 gòng 'sacrifice offerings' (SV cống) [ M 供 gōng, gòng (cung, cống) < MC kʊŋ < OC *kjwəŋ, *kjwəŋs | Kangxi: 供 gòng ◎ 奉獻：供獻。供奉。供佛。 ◎祭祀用的東西：供桌。供品。供果。上供。],
thờphụng 奉事 fèngshì 'ritual worship to ancestors' (SV phụngsự) [ Also, 'thờphượng'. Hence, VS 'thờcúng' \ 事 shì 'thờ' (sacrificial workship) | M 奉 fèng (phụng, phượng) < MC bəɤuŋ < OC *bhoŋʔ || M 事 shì < MC tʂɤ < OC *tʂrjəʔs | FQ 鋤吏 | Kangxi: 宋周密《癸辛雜識別集·東遷道人》：“(道人)化緣募鑄觀音銅像，積久乃成，相好端嚴，晨夕奉事。” | Note: SV 'phụngsự' in modern Vietnamese differentiates to denote the concept of 'serve a noble cause' such as 'serve the country'. ], etc.

Plants, staples, foods, meats:

gạo 稻 dào 'rice' (SV đạo) [ Also, 'lúa' (unhushed rice) ],
cây 棵 kè 'tree' [ Also, possibly 樹 shù (SV thụ) \¶ /sh-/ ~ /k-/ ],
lá 葉 yè 'leave' (SV diệp) [ ¶ /j-/ ~ /l-/, cf. 游 yóu (SV du) VS 'lội' (swim) | See elaboration ton the etymolgy in the previpus chapter/. ],
cành 格 gé 'branch' (SV các),
nhánh 梗 'branch' gěng (SV ngạnh),
cọng 莖 jīng 'stalk of a plant),,
thân 本 běn 'trunk' (SV bản) [ @ 身 shēn (SV thân): VS 'mình' (body) ],
gốc 根 gēn 'root' (SV căn),
rễ 蒂 dì 'root' (SV đế) [ cf. 深根固蒂 shēngēngùdì (SV thâmcăncốđế) 'strongly rooted' ],
trái 實 shí 'fruit' (SV thật) [ Also 'chắc' (solid) | M 實 shí < MC ʑit < OC *lit | FQ 神質 | According to Starostin: be solid, true; actually, really. Used also for *lit 'fruit'; *lit 'be rich'. The three meanings of 實 are probably one and the same word: 'fruit' < 'to be fruitful = rich'; 'to bring fruits < be effective, true'. Viet. has also a colloquial loanword thiệt 'real, genuine'. | Modern M in later development differentiate 實 shí with the meaning 'fruit' with a dissyllabic word 水果 shuíguǒ 'fruit' ~ VS 'tráicây' | cf. 果 guǒ (SV quả) 'fruit' ],
hột 核 hè 'seed' (SV hạch) [ Also, VS 'hạt' | M 核 hè < MC ɠajk < OC *ghrjə:k ],
lạc 落 luò 'peanut' (SV lạc),
đậu 豆 dòu 'bean' (SV đậu),
cam 柑 gān 'orange' (SV cam),
quýt 桔 jú 'Mandarin citrus' (SV quất) [ cf. 金桔 jīnjú: VS 'chùmquất' (golden mandarins) ,
chanh 橙 chéng 'lemon' (SV trừng) [ Also, VS 'sành': modern Mandarin = 'citrus' = Vietnamese 'camsành' (Vietnamized 'cam 柑 gān' & 'sành 橙 chéng' ],
bưởi 柚 yóu (SV du) [ Also, VS 'bòng'. cf. 游 yóu: VS 'bơi' (swim), 由 yóu: VS 'bởi' (because), 郵 yóu: VS 'bưu' (postal) ],
rau 菜 cài 'vegetable' (SV thái) [ M 菜 cài < MC chɤj < OC *shjə:ʔs | FQ 倉代 | ¶ x-, s- ~ r- : ex. 蛇 (虵) shě (SV xà): VS 'rắn' (snake), 縮 suō (SV thúc): VS 'rút' ('shrink). ],
cải 芥 gài 'mustard' (SV giới) [ M 芥 jiè, gài < MC kjaj < OC *kɛj ],
củ 薯 shǔ 'yam' (SV thự) [ M 薯 shǔ < MC ʂjə < OC *dʑɨjə | ¶ /sh-/ ~ /k-/ | cf. 樹 shù (SV thụ): VS 'cây' (tree) ],
tiêu 椒 jiāo 'pepper' (SV tiêu) [ M 椒 jiāo < tsjew < OC *cew | FQ 即消 ],
bông 葩 pā 'flower' (SV ba) [ M 葩 pā < MC bɒ < OC *bra: | cf. M 花 huā (SV hoa) \ Cant. /fa1/ ],
chuối 蕉 jiāo 'banana' (SV chiêu) [ Note: It must be a loanword from languages of the Yue, phonetic stem: 焦 jiāo (SV tiêu, VS cháy ) ~ M 焦 jiāo < MC tsjew < OC *ɕew | FQ 即消 ],
mít 菠蘿蜜 bōlómì 'jackfruit' (SV balamật) [ M 菠蘿蜜 pōlómì | Note: Obviously 'mít' and 菠蘿蜜 bōlómì are related and it must have the southern Yue origin ],
xuxa 仙草 xiāncăo 'jelly' (SV tiênthảo) [ Also, variants 'susa', 'sươngsáo', 'sườngsáo', and 'cỏtiên' ],
dưa 瓜 guā 'melon' (SV qua) [ M 瓜 guā < MC kwɑ < OC *kwra: | FQ 古華 | MC reading 假合二平麻見 | cf. dưahấu # 塊瓜 kuàiguā (SV khốiqua) \ Vietnamese @ 塊 kuài ~ hấu. Note: 'hấu' as a syllabic morpheme in Vietnamese and it cannot be used alone by itself while 塊 kuài is SV 'khối', VS 'cục' meaning 'mass, volume, chunk...' ],
bèo 萍 píng 'duckweed' (SV bình) [ M 萍 píng < MC pjəjŋ < OC *bjəjɲ | cf. 'bèogiạt' (VS lụcbình) 浮萍 fúpíng (SV phùbình) \ Vietnamese @ 浮 fú ~ lục, giạt \ ¶ f- ~ j(d)-, ex. 風 fēng (SV phong) ~ giông, gió 'wind', ¶ b- ~ l-, ex. 兵 bīng (SV binh) lính 'soldier' | M 浮 fú, fóu, pōu < MC bǝw < OC *bhǝw ],
dừa 椰 yē 'coconut' (SV gia) [ M 椰 yē, yé < MC jia < OC *jia | Note: It must have been a loanword from the Southern Yue ],
măng 萌 méng 'new shoot' (SV manh) [ Also, VS 'mầm'; hence, VS 'mới' (new) ],
tre 竹 zhú 'bamboo' (SV trúc) [ QT 竹 zhú < MC ʈʊk < OC *truk ],
bầu 匏 páo 'gourd' (SV biều) [ Also, VS 'bí' | M 匏 páo < MC bɒw < OC *bru: | FQ 薄交 | According to Starostin: gourd; calabash cup. The Viet. reading is early; the literary norm is biều. For *b- cf. Min forms: Xiamen, Fuzhou pau2, Jianou pu9 ],
hành 蔥 cōng 'onion' (SV song, thông) [ M 蔥 cōng < MC chuŋ < OC *sho:ŋ | FQ 倉紅 | According to Starostin: Welsh onion (Allium fistulosum); of onion color, onion-green | ¶ c- ~ h- ],
tỏi 蒜 suàn 'garlic' (SV toán) [ M 蒜 suàn < MC swjən < OC *so:rs | FQ 蘇貫 |According to Starostin: Sino-Tibetan garlic (Qi). Viet. tỏi is an interesting case of replacing MC -n by -i; it probably reflects a variant *swʌ\j with the dialectal development *-r < -j. Standard Sino-Viet. is toán.],
gừng 薑 jiāng 'ginger' (SV khương) [ M 薑 jiāng < MC kaŋ < OC *kaŋ | FQ 居良 ],
nghệ 艾 ài, yì 'sagebrush, mugwort' (SV ngải, nghệ) [ QT 艾 ài, yì < MC ŋaj < OC *ŋaj, *ŋɨaj ],
giá 芽 yá 'bean sprout' (SV ngà),
xả 香茅 xiāngmáo 'lemongrass' [ VS 'xả' is a constraction of 香(茅) xiān(gmáo) | cf. 'satế' 沙茶 Tchiewchow /sáte5/ (lemongrass paste) ],
muối 硭 máng (mang) [ M 硭 máng ~ ht. QT 亡 wáng (vong, vô) < MC mwaŋ < OC *maŋ | Note: dialects Cant. mong4, Hak. mong2 | Guangyun description of the word as reconstructed by different philologists: 硭亡武方明陽合陽平聲三等合口陽宕下平十陽 miwaŋ mĭwaŋ miuaŋ miuɑŋ mʉɐŋ mʷiɐŋ muaŋ wang2 myang mvang 硭硝 || td. 硭硝 mángxiāo (muốitiêu) ],
đường 糖 táng (SV đường) [ This word must be of the Yue origin originated from China South, especially, today's Guangxi Autonomous Administrative Region in the southern part of China where native sugarcanes have been well seated throughout vast farming fields since the ancient times. ],
kẹo 糖果 táng 'candy' [ a contraction of M (糖)果 (táng)guǒ: VS 'kẹo(đường)', lterally, '(sugar) candy'],
cá 魚 yú 'fish' (SV ngư),
sò 螺 luó 'clam' (SV la),
tép 蝦 xiā 'shrimp' (SV hà) [ ~ VS tôm | M 蝦 xiā < MC ɠa. Oc *ghra: | cf. 'nhái' (toad), 'tépriu' 米蝦 mǐxiā 'tiny shrimp'],
ghẹ 蟹 xiè 'crab' (SV giải) [ Also, SV 'cua' ],
hến 蜆 xiàn 'mussel' (SV nghiễn) [ Also, 'kén' (silkworm) | M 蜆 xiàn < MC xiɜn < OC *he:nʔ, *g(h)e:nʔ | According to Starostin: a k. of mussel (Corbicula leana) (modern). Also read *g(h)e:nʔ, MC ɠi/en; *khe:ns, MC khi\en. The standard Sino-Viet. reading is quite irregular: nghiễn. The usage of 蜆 for 'mussel' is quite recent; the earliest attested meaning of the character (in Erya) is 'a k. of silkworm', and the word may be actually a dialectal variant of the standard 繭 *ke:nʔ 'silkworm' (q.v.). Cf. also Viet. kiến 'ant' (borrowed from the same source?) | Cf. Cant. /hin5/ ],
thịt 膱 zhí 'meat' (SV thức) [ M 膱 zhí < MC tʂək < OC *tjək | Note: It could have also been derived from 腊 xì (tích) © M 腊 xì ],
ruốc 肉 ròu 'meat' [ cf. 炸肉 zhàròu : VS 'chảlụa' (boiled ground meatloaf), a deviate from the original meaning of 'fried meat'. ],
canh 羮 gēng 'broth, soup' (SV canh) [ M 羹 gēng < MC kɒiŋ < OC *kra:ŋ | Interestingly enough, canh 羮 gēng here as 'broth' was the original meaning in OC and it still applies to what appears in Vietnamese as in 'tiếtcanh' 血羹 xuègēng (SV huyếtcanh) 'blood broth' while as 'soup' it is simply a doublet of 燙 tāng (SV thang) for both Vietnamese 'canh' and 'thang' as in contemporary 'búnthang' 湯粉 tāngfěn (broth noodle). ],
tiết 血 xuè 'animal blood broth' (SV huyết) [ cf. 'máu' 衁 huang ],
bữa 飯 fàn 'meal' [ Also, its derivatives in VS 'buổi', 'ban' (period of the day) | ¶ f- ~ b- ],
cơm 膳 shàn 'meal' (SV thiện) [ M 膳 (饍) ~ 餐 cān (SV xan) ~ Vietnamese 'rice dish' | M 膳 (饍) shàn < MC ʂian < OC *dʑian | cf. 尚 shàng (thượng) còn | ¶ sh-, c- ~ k-(c-) ],
bột 粉 fěn 'flour' (SV phấn) [ Also, 'bún' (noddle), and the contemporary famous 'phở' (beef noodle) ],
bánh 餅 bǐng 'cake' (SV bính) [ including dialectal variants such as those of Tchiewchow 'bánhbẽn' '餅 bǐng + 餅 bǐng' (mung bean cakes), 'bòbía' 包餅 bāobǐng (roll) ],
trứng 蛋 dàn 'egg' (SV đản),
phaocâu 屁股 pìgǔ 'chicken's butt as a delicacy',

Body parts and anatomy:

đầu 頭 tóu 'head' (SV đầu) [ cf. sọ 首 shǒu 'skull'],
mặt 面 miàn 'face' (SV diện),
tai 耷 dā 'ear' [ AC *tāp; possibly a contrction of 耳朵 ěrduō ],
mắt 目 mù 'eye’ (SV mục),
mày 眉 méi 'eyebrow' (SV mi),
má 頰 jiá 'cheek',
họng 喉 hóu 'throat' (SV hầu),
càngcổ 脖頸 bójing 'neck',
mũi 鼻 pì 'nose' (SV tị),
sốngmũi 鼻梁 pìliáng 'the bridge of the nose' (SV tịlương),
mồm 脗 wěn 'mouth' (SV vẫn) [ Also, VS 'miệng'; cf. 吻 wěn 'hôn' (kiss) ],
môi 嘴 zuǐ 'lip' (SV chuỷ),
hàm 含 hán 'jaw' (SV hàm),
cằm 頦 kē 'chin' (SV hài),
cằm 頷 hàn 'lower jaw' (hàm),
răng 牙 yá 'tooth' (SV nha) [ M 牙 (雅) yá < MC ŋya < OC *ŋrya:| MC reading 假開二平麻疑 | | ¶ y- ~ r-: 硬 yìng: dai ~ 'rắn' (sturdy), 阮 Ruăn (Nguyễn), 元 yuán (ngươn); 悒悒 yìyì: 'rayrứt' (hard feelings; 耀 yáo: 'rọi' (radiate); 隐 yǐn: VS 'riêng' as in 隐私 yǐnsī: 'riêngtư' (privacy) 夭夭 yāoyāo: 'rậmrạp' (bushy); 蝇 yíng: VS: 'ruồi' ~ 'nhặng' (flies), 芽 yá: VS 'măng' (young shoot), 崖 yá: VS 'rặng(núi)' (mountain range), 曰 yuè: VS 'rằng' (said); 焱 yàn: VS 'nóng' (hot)' (modern Mand. rè 熱), 犬牙 quányá: VS 'răngkhểnh (canine)', # 牙肉 yáròu: VS 'nướurăng' ~ 'lợirăng' (gum), 牙齒 yáchǐ: VS 'răngcỏ' (teeth)... 牙 also means 'tusk, ivory’) || Note: Even though we do have solid ¶ y- ~ r-, the word 牙 yá is more like of 'tusk, ivory’ origin in the ancient Yue languages.],
lứa 齡 líng 'tooth, age, kind' (SV linh) [ Also, VS 'răng | M 齡 líng ~ ht. M 令 líng, lìng (SV linh, lịnh) < MC leŋ < OC *riŋ | FQ 呂貞 | Dialects: Cant. ling4, Hakka lin2 | Shuowen: 年也。从齒令聲。郎丁切〖注〗臣鉉等案：《禮記》：“夢帝與我九齡。”疑通用靈。武王初聞九齡之語，不達其義，乃云西方有九國。若當時有此齡字，則武王豈不達也。蓋後人所加。文一　新附 | Kangxi: 《唐韻》《集韻》《韻會》𠀤郞丁切，音靈。《廣雅》齡，年也。古者謂年爲齡。齒亦齡也。 | Guangyun: 靈郎丁來青開平聲青開口四等梗青 lieŋ leng || ex. 超齡 chāolíng: VS 'quálứa' (over-aged), 同龄 tónglíng: VS 'đồnglứa' (the same age) ],
râu 鬚 xū 'beard' (SV tu),
tóc 髮 fā 'hair' (SV phát),
trán 顛 diān ‘forehead’ (SV điên),
lông 翁 wēng 'feather' (SV ông) [ hence, @ 毛 máo (SV mao) 'body hair' ],
bụng 腹 fù 'stomach, belly' (SV phục) [ M 腹 fù < pʊk < OC *puk | ¶ OC *p- ~> b-, f- ~ b- | FQ 方六 | Bernhard Kargren: AC pịôk < OC *pịuk | According to Starostin: Tibetan: (W) ze-a~bug the maw or fourth stomach of ruminating animals. Burmese: pjəuk belly, stomach. Lushei: KC *puk. Lepcha: ta-fuk, ta-bak the abdomen, the lower part of stomach. Kiranti: *ʔpo/k. Comments: Sho puk; Kham phu: belly, abdomen; Gyarung tepok. Sh. 49, 69, 409; Ben. 77. See Shafer's list in the previous section) ],
đùi 腿 tuǐ 'lap' (SV thối, thoái) [ M 腿 tuǐ < MC thoj < OC *lu:jʔ | FQ 吐猥 | MC reading 蟹合一上賄透 ],
vai 背 bēi 'shoulder' (SV bội) [ Also, 'vác' (carry). In modern M this word means 'the back' and 'carry on one's back'.
tay 臂 bì 'arm' (SV tý) [ M 胳臂 gébì ~> VS 'cánhtay' (arm) ],
tay 手 shǒu 'hand' (SV thủ) [ cf 'bàntay' 手版 shǒubăn, see etynomology in sections above. ],
ngực 臆 yì 'chest' (SV ức) [ Vietnamese loanword in Khmer 'ngức' ],
hông 胸 xiōng 'hips' (SV hung) [ In modern Mandarin this word means 'chest' ],
eo 腰 yiāo 'waist' (SV yêu) [ Also, 'lưng' (lower back) ],
sốnglưng 脊梁 jǐliáng 'spine' (SV tíchlương) [ modern M 背 bēi, cf. sốngmũi 鼻梁 pìliáng '(the bridge of) the 'nose' ],
cu 且 jū (SV cư) 'penis' [ Also, VS 'cặt' | M 且 qiě, cǔ, jū < MC chja, chjo < OC *chiaʔ, *tʂa | cf. 具 jù (SV cụ): VS 'đồ' (object)祖 zǔ (SV tổ): VS cố (great-grandfather, ancestor) (See Bernhard Kargren. Some Ritual Objects of Prehistoric China. 1945]
đít 屁 pì 'buttocks' (SV tí) [ cf. 'đít' 腚 dìng, ' phaocâu' 屁股 pìgǔ (chichen butt) ],
trôn 臀 tún 'buttocks (SV đồn)',
bảnhchoẹ 盤坐 pánzuò 'buttocks' (SV bàntoạ) [ cf. VS 'xếpbằng' 盤坐 pánzuò 'sit flat with crossed legs'. Also, VS 'ngồibệt' (sit flat) ],
chân 足 zú 'foot' (SV túc),
giò 腳 jiăo (SV cước) [ Also, 'chân', cf. 'bànchân' 腳版 jiăobăn (feet) ],
cẳng 脛 jìng 'leg',
móng 趼 jiăn 'claw, fingermail', etc.

mạch 脈 mài 'artery, vein'
dịch 脈 mài 'artery, vein'
cổhọng 喉嚨 hóulóng 'throat',
phổi 肺 fèi 'lung' [ SV phế (medicinal term) ],
tim 心 xīn 'heart' [ SV tâm (medicinal term) ],
gan 肝 gān 'liver',
thận 腎 shèn 'kidney',
dạdày 胃子 wèizi 'stomach' (SV vịtử) [ Also, 'baotử', 'tỳvị' (medicinal term) \ 子 zǐ ~ 'tý' ],
hòndái 睪丸 yìhuán 'testicle' (SV dịchhoàn),
tửcung 子宮 zǐgōng 'womb',

Sensual, perceptual, and emotional characters, acts and feelings:

lắngnghe 聆聽 língtīng 'listen',
lãng 聾 lóng 'hearing-impaired',
điếc 失聰 shīcōng 'deaf' (SV thấtthông) [ short form of 'điếctai' | M 失聰 shīcōng | M 失 shī, yì (thất, dật) < MC ʂit < OC *ɫit || M 聰 cōng < MC chuŋ < OC *sho:ŋ ],
mù 盲 máng 'blind' (SV mang),
câm 噤 jìn 'mute' (SV cấm),
lanh 靈 líng 'witty' (SV linh),
lì 皮 pí 'stubborn' (SV bì),
liếm 舔 tián 'lick' (SV thiểm) [ Also, VS 'nếm' (taste) | M 舔 tián < MC thiɛm < OC *sle:mʔ | FQ 他點 | According to Starostin: to lick (Tang). Viet. liếm must be an archaic loan (unless it is a chance coincidence); standard Sino-Viet. is thiêm. | ¶ l- ~ th-: ex. thiêng 靈 líng (SV linh) 'sacred' ],
ngửi 嗅 xìu 'smell' (SV khứu) [ cf. 'hửi', also possiblly etymologically related to 聞 wén (SV văn) ],
mó, mò 'grope' 摸 mō (SV mô) [ Also, VS 'sờ' (touch) | M 摸 mō, mó < MC mo < OC *mha: | According to Starostin : Also read *mha:k, MC mʌk id. The character is sometimes (since Tang) used instead of 摹 *mha:, MC mo 'to copy, imitate' q.v. Standard Sino-Viet. is mô; another colloquial loan from the same source is Viet. mò 'to grope, fumble'. | ¶ m ~ s- ],
nọc 毒 dú 'venon' (SV độc) [ SV 'độc' means 'poison' and 'poisonous'. ],
ngọt 𩜌 yuē (SV ngạt) 'sweet' [ VS 'ngọtngào' @& '𩜌𩜌 yuēyuē (ngạtngạt)' (tl.) | M 𩜌 (𩚴) yuē < MC ʔwjət, ʔut < OC *ʔwɐt, *ʔut, PC **ʔʷat | Kangxi: 《廣韻》同𩚴。《廣韻》紆物切《集韻》紆勿切，𠀤音鬱。《玉篇》同𩜌。餚也，飴和豆也。　又《廣韻》《集韻》𠀤於月切，音噦。義同。本作𧯡。 || According to Starostin: sweets. Attested in bronze inscriptions; also read *ʔut, MC ʔut, Pek. yu id.],
mặn 咸 xián (SV hàm) 'salty' [ Also, VS 'mắm' (anchovy sauce) \ Dialect: Cant. /ham2/ ],
đắng 辛 xīn (SV tân) 'bitter' [ modern Mandarin 'spicy hot' ],
cay 苦 kǔ (SV khổ) 'spicy hot' [ ex. 辛苦 xīnkǔ: VS 'cayđắng' (bitterly) \ modern Mandarin 'bitter' ],
lạt 淡 dàn (SV đạm) 'insipid' [ Also, 'nhạt' ],
tươi 鮮 xiān (SV tiên) 'fresh',
thơm 香 xiāng (SV hương) 'fragrant' [ Also, VS 'ngon' (delicious), 'nhang' (incense) ],
tanh 腥 xīng (SV tinh) 'fishy',
thúi 臭 chòu (SV xú) 'smelly' [ Also, 'hôi' ],
hôn 吻 wěn (SV vẫn) 'kiss' [ Also, 'mồm' (mouth) | M 吻 (脗) wěn < MC ʋyun < OC *ʋun, *mun \ ¶ w- ~ h-:, ex. 問 wèn (SV vấn) Cant. /majŋ2/: VS 'hỏi', 聞 wén (SV văn): VS 'hửi' (smell) ],
xanh 蒼 cāng (SV thương) 'green',
đỏ 彤 tóng (SV đồng) 'red',
hường 紅 hóng (SV hồng) 'pink',
vàng 黃 huáng (SV hoàng) 'yellow',
tím 紫 zǐ (SV tử) 'purple' [ Also, VS 'tía' ],
trắng 素 sù (SV tố) 'white',
đen 黔 qián (SV kiền) 'black' [ Vh @ M 黔 qián < MC kɦiam < OC *giam | ¶ q- ~ đ- | Shuowen: 黎也。从黑今聲。秦謂民爲黔首，謂黑色也。周謂之黎民。《易》曰：“爲黔喙。”巨淹切 | Kangxi: 〔古文〕𦌣《唐韻》巨淹切《集韻》《韻會》其淹切《正韻》其廉切，𠀤音箝。《廣雅》黑也。又《集韻》其嚴切，音鉗。黃黑色也。],
lạnh 冷 lěng 'cold' (SV lãnh),
cóng 寒 hán 'freezing' (SV hàn) [ Dialect: Hainanese /kwa2/ ],
rét 凄 qī 'chilly' [ Also, 'giá', ex. 凄凉 qīliáng: VS 'giálạnh' (breezing) ],
ấm 溫 wēn 'warm' (SV ôn) [ M 溫 wēn < MC ʔon < OC *ʔu:n ],
nóng 燙 tàng 'hot' [ as heat from flames or boiling liquid. ],
rát 熱 rè 'sore' (SV nhiệt) [ Also, 'nực' (hot), 'nhức' (sore) | M 熱 rè < MC ɲet < OC *ɲet | MC reading 山開三入薛日 ],
đau 痛 tòng 'pain, sick' (SV thống) [ Also, 'sickness' | M 痛 tòng < MC 痛 thʊŋ < OC *slo:ŋs | FQ 他貢 | According to Starostin: pain, sickness ],
sợ 怕 pà 'afraid' (SV phạ) [ M 怕 pà < MC pɑ < OC *phra:ks | ¶ b- (p-) ~ s- | Note: It can also be derived from 怯 qiē (SV khiếp): VS 'khớp', 懼 jù (SV cụ), 怵 chù (SV truật), all these meaning 'scared' ],
rảnh 閒 xián 'leasure time' (SV nhàn) [ ancient Viet. 'dưng' ],
rầu 愁 chóu 'sad' (SV sầu) [ M 愁 chóu < MC ʐjəw < OC *dhu | Dialects: Chaozhou: zoy12; Wenzhou: zau12; Changsha: cou12; Nanchang: chɜu12 ; Cant. sʌu12 | ¶ ch-, s- ~ r- : ex.. 蛇 shě (SV xà) rắn, 鬚 xū (SV tu) râu ],
vui 快 kuài 'happy' (SV khoái) [ Also, VS 'mau' (swift) | M 快 kuài < MC khwɑj < OC *khwra ],
sướng 暢 chăng 'content' (SV sướng) [ M 暢 chăng < MC ʈhɑŋ < OC *ɫhaŋs | According to Starostin: penetrate everywhere, protrude. A later semantic development is ('to have penetrated' > ) 'to be satisfied, content'. Standard Sino-Viet. is xướng. ],
thương 疼 téng 'love' (SV đông) [ Also, VS 'đau' (pain) cognate to 痛 téngtòng (thống) | M 疼 téng < MC thəwŋ < OC *dawŋ | MC reading 曾開一平登定 | cf. yêuthương 疼愛 téng'ài (đôngái) 'love', đauđớn 疼痛 téngtòng (đôngthống) 'painful'],
yêu 愛 ài 'love' (SV ái) [ Also, VS 'ưa', 'ưng' (like) | M 愛 ài < MC ʔɔj < OC *ʔjə:js ],
cưng 慣 guàn 'overprotect (a kid)' (SV quán) ,
thích 嗜 shì 'like',
thù 仇 chóu 'enmity' (SV cừu),
ghét 厭 yàn 'hate',
giúp 助 zhù 'help' (SV trợ) [ cf. 幫助 bāngzhù: VS 'đỡđần' ],
hờn 恨 hèn 'angry' (SV hận),
tiếc 惜 xì 'cherish' (SV tích) [ cf. 惋惜 wănxi: VS 'tiếcnuối' (have pity on) ],
thùhằn 仇恨 chóuhèn 'hate',
chánngán 厭倦 yànjuān 'get sick of',
hốihận 後悔 hòuhuǐ 'regret' [ Note: deviate en route of association with Vietnamized 悔恨 huǐhèn (SV hốihận) that does not exist in Chinese, so to speak of Vietnamese localization. ],
ănnăn 慇恨 yīnhèn 'regret' (SV ânhận),
bênhvực 包庇 bāobì 'take side with' [ Also, 'baoche' (harbor). Note: derived from the traditional meaning of VS 'bãobọc' (shield) ],

Daily and common activities:

bú 哺 bǔ 'suck' (SV bộ) [ M 哺 bǔ < bo < OC *ba:s ],
ăn 吃 chī 'eat' (SV 'ngật') [Note: Even though we can rely this character with the phonetic 乙 yǐ (SV ất) to render the sound 'ăn' in Vietnamese, this character appears to be a later development, a variant of 喫 chī 'stammer'.],
xơi 食 shí 'eat' (SV thực),
uống 飲 yǐn 'drink' (SV ẩm) [ M 飲 yǐn < MC ʔɪm < OC *ʔjəmʔ | Cant. jəm21, Zyyy: ijəm2 ],
nấunướng # 烹調 pēngtiáo 'cook',
đi 去 qù 'walk' (SV khứ) [ M 去 qù < MC khə < OC *khaʔ | According to Starostin, also read *khaʔ-s, MC kho\, Mand. qù, Viet. khứ 'to go away, leave'. | Note: Most of dialects read /tʂy3/ | ¶ q- ~ đ- | cf. 回去 huíqù: VS 'trởvể' (return) ],
chạy 走 zǒu 'run' (SV tẩu) [ Note: based on the modern usage in Mandarin, this word also means 'to go' for 'đi' in Vietnamese. ],
ngồi 坐 zuò 'sit' [ cf. 'ngồixổm' ~ 'chồmhổm' 犬坐 quánzuò (squat) ],
bò 爬 pá 'scrawl',
què 瘸 què 'lame',
lết 厲 lì 'trail along' (SV lệ) [ Also, VS 'lê' (drag) ],
đứng 站 zhàn 'to stand' (SV trạm) [ M 站 zhàn < MC tʂən < OC *tars ],
chồmhổm 犬坐 quánzuò 'squat',
xếpbằng 盤坐 pánzuò 'sit flat with crossed legs' [ Also, VS 'ngồibệt' (sit flat), cf. VS 'bảnhchoẹ' ~ SV 'bàntoạ' (buttocks) ],
đạp 踏 tă 'trample' (SV đạp) [ cf. 水 shui: Old Vietmuong 'dák' (water) ],
bơi 游 yóu 'swim' [ Also, 'lội' ],
lặn 潛 qián 'dive' [ Also, 'lén' (discreetly) ],
cày 耕 gēng 'plow' (SV canh) [ M 耕 gēng < MC 耕 kaijŋ < OC *kre:ŋ | MC reading 梗開二平耕見 | According to Starostin: Sino-Tibetan a plough | Dialects: Chaozhou kẽ11, Wenzhou: kiɜ11, Chuangfeng: kiẽ11],
làm 幹 gàn 'do' (SV cán),
việc 活 huó 'work' (SV hoạt) [ ex. 'làmviệc' 幹活 gànhuó (to work), 'bậnviệc' 忙活 mánghuó (busy with work) ],
nhìn 眼 yăn 'look' (SV nhãn) [ M 眼 yăn < MC ŋan < OC *ŋhrjənʔ | FQ 五限 || ex. nhìnchằmbẳm: 眼巴巴 yănbaba (gaze), nhìntrừngtrừng: 眼瞪瞪 yăndendeng (stare at) ],
cười 笑 xiào 'laugh' (SV tiếu),
khóc 哭 kù 'weep' (SV khốc) [ M 哭 kù < MC khuk OC *kho:k | MC reading 通合一入屋溪 | cf. 泣 qì (SV khấp) 'weep', obviously a doublet. ],
đái 尿 niào 'urinate' (SV niệu) [ Also, VS 'tiểu', associated with SV 'tiểu' as in 'tiểutiện' 小便 xiăobiàn, of which the latter may be either coincidental or a contraction. ],
ỉa 屙 ē 'to poop' (SV a) [ M 屙 ē | => VS 'điỉa' (Cant. /o5si3/ 屙屎) and 屙 /o5/ is equivalent to 'ỉa'.],
táobón 便秘 biànmì ('constipation' SV tiệnbí) [ ¶ b- ~ t-, 便 biàn for 'táo' (<~ @ SV tiện), 秘 mì for 'bón' (<~ @ SV bí) ],
chảy 瀉 xiè 'diarhea' (SV tả) [ Also, VS 'tướt' ]
nằm 躺 táng 'lie on one's back',
ngủ 臥 wò 'sleep' (SV ngoạ) [ M 臥 wò < MC ŋwʌ < OC *ŋho:js | MC reading 果合一去過疑 | Accoding to Starostin: lie down, sleep (L.Zhou). For *ŋh- cf. Chaozhou o|4, Jianou ŋo|6. | Dialects: Wenzhou: ŋ32, Chuangdeng: ŋu32, Nanchang: ŋo31 (lit.); ŋok41, Meixia : ŋɔ3, Cant.: ŋɔ32, Chaozhou: ŋo21 || ex. 臥房 wòfáng: VS 'phòngngủ' ~ 'buồngngủ' (bedroom) ],
mơ 夢 mèng 'dream' (SV mộng') [ M 夢 mèng < MC mʊŋ < OC *mhjəŋs | According to Starostin: Cf. also Viet. mơ 'to dream' (with a loss of the final nasal after a nasal initial). For *mh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen baŋ6, Chaozhou maŋ6, Fuzhou maoŋ5, moŋ5 (cf. also 懵 MC muŋ, Fuzhou moŋ5 'dark, obscure, silly') | Cant. /mouŋ5/ ],
bề 嫖 piáo 'fuck' (SV phiếu) [ M 嫖 (闝) piáo < MC phjew < OC *phew | Cant. phiu12 ~ tiu2 (coloquial) | ¶ p- ~ đ- ],
đéo 屌 diăo 'fuck' (SV điệu) [ Also, VS 'đụ' ],
cóchửa 有身子 yǒushēnz 'pregnant' (SV hữuthântử),
cóthai 懷胎 huáitāi 'pregnant' ],
cómang 身孕 shēnyùn (pregnat) ,
cưumang 懷孕 huáiyùn (carry a baby) [ Also, 'cómang' ],
thainghén 胎孕 tāiyùn 'pregnant',
cókinh(nguyệt) 有月經 yǒuyuèjīng 'menstruation',
sống, đẻ 生 shēng (1) 'live', (2) 'give birth to' (SV sanh) [ M 生 shēng < MC ʂɒiŋ, ʂɑiŋ < OC *shreŋ, *shreŋs | Dialects: Hai. te11 (x. đẻ), Chaozhou: sẽ 11, Amoy : sĩ11, cĩ11, Wenzhou siɛ1, Fuzhou chiaŋ1. | cf. 吃生 shēnghī: VS 'xơitái' (eat raw) ],
chết 死 sǐ 'die' (SV tử) [ M 死 sǐ < MC sji < OC *sijʔ | MC 止開三上旨心 || Note: in effect, there exist many Chinese words that convey the concept of death and with similar sounds in Vietnamese. It can also be 卒 zú (SV tốt) or 逝 shì (SV thệ) | M 逝 shì < MC tsjai < OC *djats. According to Tsu-lin Mei 'chết' is an Austroasiatic word which was trancribed in ancient Chinese document as 札 **tsɛt 'to die', which in turn could be cognate to those in the 'Yue' languages throughout in this paper. (T)
chếtyểu 夭折 yāozhé 'die young' (SV yêuchiết),
tắm 洗 xǐ 'bathe' (SV tẩy),
rửa 浴 yù 'wash' (SV dục),
mắng 罵 mà 'scold' (SV mạ),
chửi 咒 zhòu 'swear at' (SV trù) [ Also, as 'trù' ~ 'rũa' (curse). Hence, 'chửimắng' ~ 'chửirũa' ~ 'trùmạt' 咒罵 zhòumà 'curse' ],
gây 吵 chăo 'wrangle' [ ex. 'gâygổ' 吵架 chăojià (quarrel) ],
giành 爭 zhēng 'fight for' (SV tranh),
đánh 打 dă 'strike' (SV đả),
đâm 捅 tǒng 'stab',
chặt 砍 kăn 'chop' [ Ex. VS 'chặtđầu': 砍首 kănshǒu (behead) ],
chém 斬 zhán 'chop' (SV trảm)n[ Ex. VS 'chémđầu': 斬首 zhánshǒu (behead) ],
giết 殺 chà 'kill' (SV sát),
bế 抱 bào 'carry in one's arms' (SV bão) [ Also, VS 'bồng" | M 抱 bào < MC bʌw < OC *bhu:ʔ | ¶ -aw ~ -owng | According to Starostin : Protoform: *p(u)jəH (-k). Meaning: carry (on the back). Chinese: t *b_jəʔ carry on the back. Tibetan: a~ba to bring, carry. Kachin: baʔ2 carry a child on the back. Lushei: pua (po, puak) to carry on the back. Comments: Nung ba carry on the shoulder; Digaro ba carry (a child). Ben. 19. Cf. *phjə:wH. . For OC *bh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen phau6, Chaozhou pho4, phau4, Hai. bong4, Longdu pho6.],
gánh 扛 káng 'carry on one's back or shoulders' (SV cang) [ Also, VS 'gồng', 'khiêng', 'cõng' | M 扛 káng < MC khɑŋ < Oc *kha:ŋs | According to Starostin: to set up, lift up. Also read *gha:ŋ, MC ɠʌŋ (FQ 胡郎) ],
trồng, giống 種 zhòng, zhǒng 'to plant; breed; race' (SV chủng) [ Also, VS 'dòng' (breed) | M 種 zhǒng, 種 zhòng (trồng) < MC tʂouŋ < OC *toŋʔs | According to Starostin: seeds; cereals. Also read *toŋʔ-s, MC tɕo\uŋ (FQ 之用), Mand. zhòng 'to sow'. The word also means 'kind, sort, race' ( >'seed'), which is reflected in a colloquial Viet. loanword (from another dialectal source) giống 'kind, sort; race, breed, strain'.],
đốt 燒 shāo 'burn' (SV thiêu) [ Also, VS 'sôi' (boil), 'sốt' (fever), thắp (burn), ex. 'thắpnhang' 燒香 shāoxiāng (burn incense sticks in sacrificial ceremony) | M 燒 shāo < MC ʂew < OC *snɛw, *snɛws || According to Starostin: to burn, incinerate (L.Zhou). Also read *sŋew-s, MC ʂe\w, Mand. shào 'to burn (grass for fertilizing land)'. ],
cháy 焦 jiāo 'char' (SV tiêu) [ Also, VS 'nâu' (brown) \ ¶ j- ~ n- | M 焦 jiāo < MC tsjew < OC *ɕew | FQ 即消 | According to Starostin: to burn, char (L. Zhou). Shuowen says phonetic is 集 *tɕ(h)jəp; it is possible only if the latter graph was taken with the alternative reading *tɕip (see under 集). The 焦 series clearly has a *tɕ- initial (see RDFS 247); as for *-ew (not -aw), see the rhyme for 譙 (ibid., 556). A later attested meaning is 'dark yellow color'. ],
hay 好 hăo 'good' (SV hảo),
xấu 醜 chǒu 'ugly' (SV xú),
tốt 德 dé 'kind' (SV đức) [ ex. 德性 déxìng (SV đứctính) # VS 'tínhtốt' (good character) ],
ác 惡 è 'wicked' (SV ố) [ cf. 可惡 kěwù: SV khảố (disgusting), ]
hiền 善 shàn (SV thiện) [ ex. 善良 shànliáng (SV thiệnlương) | cf. 賢 xián (SV hiền) ],
xinh 亮 liàng 'pretty' (SV lượng) [ Also, VS 'sáng' (bright) ]
xinhđẹp 漂亮 piàoliàng 'beautiful',
thốt 說 shuì 'talk' (SV thuyết),
nói 話 huà 'speech' (SV thoại) [ Hence, 'speak' | M 話 huà < MC ɠwɑi < OC *ghwra:ts | According to Starostin: speech, lecture. Standard Sino-Viet. is thoại (with unclear th-). For *ghʷ- cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou ue6, Fuzhou, Jioanou ua6. | ¶ h- ~ n- | Note: This character could be a doublet of 辭 cí VS 'lời' (spoken word) (See below) based on the pattern { ¶ /hw-/ ~ /l-/ } : ex. 火 huǒ (SV hoả) VS 'lửa' | cf. 舌 shě (SV thiệt): VS 'lưỡi' (tongue) ],
lời 辭 cí 'spoken word' [ M 辭 cí < MC zjy < OC *lhjə | According to Starostin: lời. Sino-Tibetan words, speech;excuse, indictment, pleading. Viet. lời is an archaic loanword; regular Sino-Viet. is từ. Protoform: *ljə Meaning: speak, speech Chinese: 辭 *lhjə words, speech. Tibetan: zla, zlo (s) (p. bzlas, bzlos, f. bzlo, i. zlos) to say, tell, express.Lushei: hla a hymn, a song (KC *hla). Lepcha: li/, li-n to speak, to tell , Kiranti: *ljə , Comments: Bunan la-la. Sh. 138, Bod. 181. (Refer to Shafer's list above.) ],

Land, wild and domestic animals and aquatic reptiles:

cá 魚 yú 'fish' (SV ngư) [ Also /ka5/+ a morpheme, of which the former syllable 'cá-' serves as a classifier for different kinds of fish in both languages, ex., 鯨魚 jīngyú: VS #'cákinh' (killer whale) ],
lươn 鱔 shàn 'eel',
gà 雞 jī 'chicken' (SV kê),
vịt 鴨 yā 'duck' (SV áp),
ngỗng 鵝 é 'goose' (SV nga) [ Also, VS 'ngang' ],
chó 狗 gǒu 'dog' (SV cẩu),
cún 犬 quán 'puppy' (SV khuyển),
mèo 貓 māo 'cat' (SV miêu),
chuột 鼠 shǔ 'rat' (SV thử),
dê 羊 yáng (dương) [ M 羊 yáng < MC jaŋ < OC *laŋ | According to Starostin: Protoform: *jă(k) / *jăŋ. Meaning: goat, yak. Chinese: 羊 *laŋ sheep, goat. Tibetan: g-jag the yak. Kachin: ja3 a wild goat. Lepcha: jo/k a yak, Bos grunniens. Comments: Trung jaʔ mongrel; Yamphu ja':-suba 'goat'.| Dialects: Chaozhou: iẽ12, Shanghai: iã32],
trâu 牛 níu 'water buffalo' (SV ngưu) [ Also, VS 'ngầu' matches Northern Mandarin to mean 'gung-ho' ],
bò 'cow' 牳 mǔ (SV mậu) [ Vh @ M 牳 mǔ ~ ht. M 母 mǔ (mẫu, mô) < MC mow, mʌw < OC *mjəʔ || Note: Like many other postulated etyma, the plausible cognate for this is still speculative; however, this word abosolutely is cognate to those of Sino-Tibetan languages. Here are the Sino-Tibetan etymologies from Shafer's (Ibid.) list in the previous section: **** OB ba, OB E. *bik || A W. Bod. Burig bā (p. 83), Groma, Śarpa bo (calf), Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad ba (p. 93), Central Bodish Lagate pa-, Spiti, Gtsang, Dbus, Ãba bʿa, Mnyamslad, Dźad pa (p. 98), other Bod. languages Rgyarong (ki)-bri, -bru (p. 120), modern Bod. dialects New Mantśati (bullock), Tśamba Lahuli (ox) bań, Rangloi bań-ƫa (bullock) (p. 130) || also Chin. 牝 byi/ (Chin. cow, female of animal), OB ãbri-mo (tame female yak) (p. 59), Minor group Toţo pik-(a), Dimal pi-(a) (p. 187), Southern Branch Kukish *b@ń, Luśei b@ń, Thado boń, Vuite -b@ń- (p. 250), E. Himalayish bʿi, Khambu pi', Lohorong, Yakhha pik (p. 330) | for 'buffalo': Luśei pă-na, Khami *mă-na, Karenic *-na-, Karenni pæ2-nä2, Pwo pə1-na6, Sgaw pə2-nə8, Bwe pa-nä2 (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Chin. ńǔ- 牛 (M níu), Siamese ŋwă, Lao, Tay Noir ńuo, Shan, Tay Blanc ńo, Tho, Nung mɔ, Sui mo, Mak pho (p. 501) ],
ngựa 午 wǔ 'horse' (SV ngọ) [ cf. modern M 馬 mă (SV mã) | Sino-Tibetan etymologies from Shafer's (Ibid.) list: *** OK Kuki *kor, Luśei -kor, Tśiru, Prum -koŕ, Aimol, Langrong, Hrangkhol -kor (p. 259) | (SV ngọ), (Haudricourt) Chin. 午 wǔ, Daic Lao səńə, Tay Blanc sańa, Dioi sa, Mak ńo (p. 471) ],
voi 為 wēi 'elephant' (SV vi) [ Attested Archaic Chinese as SV "vi" (perform); modern Mand. /wèi/means "vì" (for) ],
lừa 驢 lǚ 'donkey' (SV lư),
thỏ 兔 tù 'hare' (SV thố),
nai 鹿 lù 'deer' (SV lục) [ Per Shafer (Ibid.), for Sinoto-Tibetan etymologies, Old Kukish Kuki *ŋai, Luśei sa-ŋai, Tśiru, Aimol, Purum, Kolhreng, Kom să-ŋai, Lamgang -să-ŋai (p. 253), Kukish *ńai, Meithlei să-ńai (p. 179), Luhupa Branch Maring să-ŋai, Ukhrul sa-ŋai (p. 309) Baric Dimasa mi-śai, Tipora mu-sai, Banpara mai (p. 447) ] ,
cọp 虎 hǔ 'tiger' (SV hổ),
hùm 甝 hán 'white tiger' (SV hàm),
consư 師子 shīzi 'lion' (SV sưtử) [ See 子 zǐ for 'con-' ],
beo 豹 bào 'leopard' (SV báo),
gấu 熊 xióng 'bear' (SV hùng) [ According to Bernhard Karlgren in his Philology and Ancient Chinese (pp. 135, 136) M 熊 xióng < MC ɣiung < AC g'iung < OC g'ium (by laws of dissimilation) ],
chim 禽 qín 'bird' (SV cầm),
bồcâu 白鴿 báigē 'pigeon' (SV bạchcáp) [ M 白鴿 báigē \ @ 白 bái ~ 'bồ' | M 鴿 gē < MC kɤp < OC *kjə:p | According to Starostin: pigeon (Tang) ],
quạ 鴉 yā 'crow' (SV nha, va) [ M 鴉 yā < MC ʔa. ʔra: | FQ 於加 | According to Starostin: crow (L.Zhou). A -r- in fixed variant of 烏 *ʔa: 'crow' q.v ],

Insects, pests, and parasites:

chí 蝨 shī 'louse' (SV siết) [ M 蝨 shī < MC ʂit < OC *srit | Pt 所櫛 ],
kén 蠶 cán 'silkworm' (SV tằm) [ M 蠶 cán < MC ʑɤm < OC *tʂjə:m ],
nhộng 蛹 yǒng 'nympha' (SV dũng),
muỗi 螡 wén 'mosquito' [ Dialect: Hainanese /me11/ ],
ruồi 蠅 yíng 'fly' (dăng) [ Also, VS 'nhặng', 'lằng' (bluebottle)| M 蠅 yíng < MC jiŋ < OC *ljəŋ | FQ 余陵 | According to Starostin: a fly. Viet. lằng 'bluebottle' is archaic, reflecting a form like WH *ljəŋ. A later loan from the same source is probably Viet. nhặng 'bluebottle' (nh- reflecting MC j- with assimilatory nasalisation); regular Sino-Viet. is dăng. || According to Tsu-lin Mei, "ruồi" of 維蟲 is of Austroasiatic origin. The OC value of 維蟲 can be ascertained via its phonetic 維 wei; the form of the character indicates that it is the name of an insect pronounced like 維. The word 維蟲 wei ‘fly,’ on the other hand, is a hapax legomenon. Clearly, wei ‘fly’ was borrowed from the AA’s into the ancient Ch’u dialect while modern M 蠅 yíng is 'fly'. ] (Read more at The case of "ruồi"),
sâu 蟲 chóng 'insect' (SV trùng) [ Also, VS trùn, giun, sán (a variety of worms) ],
giòi 蚴 yòu 'larva' (SV ấu),
gián 蟑螂 zhāngláng 'cockroach' (SV trươnglang) [ VS @ 'gián' < ® M 蟑螂 zhāngláng ],
thằnlằn 蝘蜓 yǎntíng 'wall lizard',
chuồnchuồn 蜻蜓 qīngtíng 'dragonfly' (SV thanhđình),
châuchấu 蟋蟀 xīshuài 'cricket' (SV tấtsuất),
đỉa 蛭 zhì 'leech' (SV điệt) [ Also, 'rết' (scorpion) | M 蛭 zhì < MC cít < OC*tít, < PC **tìk | Also, MC tʂit < OC *tīt, *trit | TB: sdig scorpion | Zhou Fagao: zyxlj p250: *ʧiet, ʧhiet ],
rắn 蛇 shé 'snake' (SV xà) [ Also, 虵 shé, cf. 也 yě (SV dã) ],

Man-made objects and tools:

nhà 家 jiā 'house' (SV gia) [ ¶ j- ~ nh-. Meanwhile, modern Mandarin is 屋 wù (SV 'ốc') where /wu4/ could evolved into 'nhà' as well. ],
lều 蘆 lú 'hut' (SV lư),
cửa 戶 hù 'door' (SV hộ) [ Also, VS 'ngõ' (gate) while modern M is 戶 'household' | M 戶 hù < MC ɠɔ < OC *gha:ʔ | MC reading 遇合一上姥匣 | Dialect: Shuangfeng: ɠjəu32 | According to Starostin: Sino-Tibetan door; household. Regular Sino-Viet. is hộ. Cf. also Viet. ngõ 'gate' (one of the cases of Viet. rendering Chinese stops as nasals). Protoform: *k(h)a. Meaning: open, opening. Chinese: *g_a:ʔ door. Burmese: kah to divide, be stretched apart, be spread; tam-khah door, gate. Kachin: c^iŋkha1, nkha1 door, (H) sumkha be wide open. Lushei: ka to open (as mouth, legs); mouth; KC *ka. Comments: Tangkhul kha-moŋ door, Rawang phjəŋ-kha id.; Sgaw ka to open. Sh. 46, 400, 407, 427; Ben. 120, 134; Luce 2. Cf. *Qʷyj, *Qa., *Qʷyj: door, gate 闈 *w_jəj gate. sgo door, go place, room. The Tib. form can be compared with OCh. 畿 *g_jəj threshhold or 垓 *kjə: territory; a comparison with OCh. 戶 *g_a:ʔ door (see Simon 13, Luce 2, Peiros-Starostin 217, Gong 47) is less probable, since the latter goes well together with PST *k(h)a open, opening.],
cối 臼 jìu 'mortar' (SV cữu) [ M 臼 jìu < MC gʌw < OC *guʔ ],
dao 刀 dāo 'knife' (SV đao) [ M 刀 dāo < MC tʌw < OC *ta:w | ¶ /d-/ ~ /j-/ ],
bàn 案 àn 'table' (SV án) [ M 案 àn < MC ʔɒn < OC *ʔa:ns | cf. 按 àn: VS 'bấm' (press) ],
mâm 盤 pán 'tray' (SV bàn),
ghế 椅 yí 'chair' (SV ỷ) [ M 椅 yǐ ],
rương 箱 xiāng 'suitcase' (SV sương) [ VS also 'hòm' | M 箱 xiāng < MC sjaŋ < OC *saŋ | ¶ s-, x- ~ h-, r- :ex. 鬚 xū (SV tu) râu | FQ 息良 ],
buồng 房 fáng 'room' (SV phòng) [ M 房 fáng < MC baŋ < OC* bwɒŋ ],
giường 床 chuáng 'bed' (SV sàng) [ M 床 chuáng < MC ʂaŋ < OC *tʂhraŋ | ¶ ch- ~ gi- ],
lồng 籠 lóng 'cage' [ Viet. 案籠 ànlóng: VS # 'lồngbàn' (tray cover) ],
đèn 燈 dēng 'lamp' (SV đăng) [ ex. 燈籠 dēnglóng: VS # 'lồngđèn' (lantern) ],
lò 爐 lú 'stove' (SV lư),
cũi 櫃 guì 'cupboard' (SV quỹ) [ Also, VS 'quầy' (counter), SV 'quĩ' also means 'coffer' | M 櫃 guì < MC gwɨ < OC *gruts(-js) | According to Starostin: box, coffer. In Early Chou written without the 75th radical: 匱. Another colloquial loan from the same source is Viet. quầy 'counter, bar' (the word has this meaning in modern Mand., too). Regular Sino-Viet. is quỹ. ],
tủ 櫝 dú 'cabinet' (SV độc) [ M 櫝 dú < MC duk < OC *lho:k | ¶ d- ~ h- ],
chén 盞 zhàn 'bowl' (SV tràn) [ M 盞 zhàn < MC can < OC *tsjre:nʔ ],
đũa 箸 zhú ‘chopstick’ (SV trừ) [ M 箸 zhú (SV trợ, chừ, trừ) < MC ɖʊ < OC *dras | Note: Hainanese /du4/],
thìa 匙 chí 'spoon' (SV thi, chuỷ) [ Also, VS 'chìa' as in 'chìakhoá' 鎖匙 suǒchí (key) | M 匙 chí < MC tʂe < OC *dhe ],
cửi 機 jī 'weaving apparatus' (SV cơ) [ Also, VS 'máy' (device), 'dịp' (opportunity) | M 機 jī < MC kyj < OC *kjəj | According to Starostin: device, apparatus. One of the later meanings is 'circumstances, occasion' (reflected in Viet. cơ). | Note: For 機 jī: VS 'máy', ¶ j- ~ m- : ex. 幾 jī (SV cơ): VS 'mấy' (how many), cf. 機會 jīhuì (SV cơhội): VS 'dịpmay' (opportunity) ], etc.
đường 唐 táng 'path' (SV đàng) [ Note: archaic usage to mean 'walkpath in palaces; modern Mandarin is 道 dào (SV đạo) and an alternat 途 tú (SV đồ) ],
lối 路 lù 'road' (SV lộ) [ Interestingly enough, among all other associated meanings that this Chinese word conveys and concurrently exists in the Vietnamese 'lối' , its connotation of 'kind, sort, class, grade' is extended and blended very well in the context similar like this: '那人那麼路呢. Nà rén nàme lù ne. (Người đó saomà lối thế.) 'How arrogant that person is!' ],
ghe 舟 zhōu 'canoe' (SV chu) [ plausibly, VS 'đò', in association with 渡 dù (SV độ): VS 'đò' (cross a river) ],
xuồng 船 chuán 'boat' (SV thuyền) [ in VS 'xuồng' (small boat) while SV 'thuyền' (large boat) ],
tàu 艘 sáo 'ship' (SV tầu),
buồm 帆 fán 'sail mast' (SV phàm),
chèo 棹 zhào 'paddle',
chèo 掉 diào 'row', etc.

The most striking note is that virtually all functional words and grammatical markers (虛詞 xūcí: SV 'hưtừ', i.e., prepositions, conjunctions, classifiers, particles, etc.), are from Chinese, indispensable in the Vietnamese language:

với 與 yú 'with' (SV dữ) [ M 與 yǔ, yú, yù (dữ, dự) < MC jʊ < OC *laʔ | FQ 余呂 ],
và 和 hé, hè 'and' (SV hoà) [ Also, VS 'hùa' (take side), 'ùa' (overwhelm), 'hoạ' (join in) | M 和 hé < MC ɠwʌ < OC *ghwa:j | FQ 戶戈 | MC reading A: 果合一平戈匣; B: 果合一去過匣 | Dialect: Wenzhou vu12 | According to Starostin, for *ghʷ- cf. Jianou o2. Also read *ghʷa:j-s, MC ɠwʌ\, Mand. hè, Viet. hoạ 'to respond in singing, join in'. In Viet. cf. perhaps also hùa 'to follow, imitate'. ],
bị 被 bèi (grammatical passive voice with negative meaning) [ possibly plausible 'bởi' (by) <~ 'bởilẽ' @ M '爲了 wèile' ],
được 得 dé 'gain' (SV đắc) [ Note: a localized grammatical passive voice with positive meaning ],
há 何 hé 'why' (SV hà),
huốnghồ 何況 hékuàng 'in spite of',
huốngchi 況且 kuàngqiě 'not to mention',
nhưngmà 而且 érqiě 'but',
từ 自 zì 'from' (SV tự) [ cf. 打 dă (SV đả) in the sense of 'from' colloquially) ],
cùng 跟 gēn 'along with' (SV căn) [ Also, VS 'gốc', 'gót' | M 跟 gēn < MC kən < OC *kən | MC reading 臻開一平痕見 | ¶ g- (k-) ~ g- : jī 雞 (kê) gà; g- ~ k- : 岡 gāng (cương) cứng ],
tới 到 dào 'to' (SV đáo) [ Also, 'đến' | M 到 dào < MC tʌw < OC *ta:wʔs ],
chotới 直到 zhídào 'until' (SV trựcđáo) [ Also, VS 'chođến' | M 直到 zhídào \ @ 直 zhí ~ cho | M 直 zhí < MC ɖik < OC *dhrjək ],
dođó 所以 suǒyǐ 'therefore' (SV sởdĩ) [ M 所以 suǒyǐ \ @ 所 suǒ ~ do \ ¶ s- ~ j-(d-), @ 以 yǐ ~ đó \ ¶ y- ~ d- ],
ở 於 yú 'at, in' (SV vu) [ M 於 yú < ʔə < OC *ʔa ],
đốivới 對於 duìyú 'regarding to' (SV đốivu),
vìthế 於是 yúshì 'as a result' (SV vuthị) [ VS ở, về 'at, in, in regard to': M 於 yú (vu) < ʔə < OC *ʔa || M 是 shì < MC tʑɘ < OC *deʔ ],
để 以 yǐ (SV dĩ) [ M 以 yǐ < MC jɤ < OC *ljəʔ | ¶ y- ~ đ- ],
tại 在 zài 'in' (SV tại) [ M 在 zài < MC ʑɤj < OC *ʑhjə:ʔ ],
trong 中 zhōng 'inside' (SV trung),
đang 當 dāng 'is being' (SV đang),
trongkhi 正在 zhèngzài 'while' (SV chánhtại),
vẫn 仍 réng 'still',
nhưngvẫn 仍然 réngrán 'but still' [ <~ # SV 'vẫnnhiên' ],
rồi 了 lē, liăo 'already' (SV liễu) [ In addition, it is also a grammatical ending particle to indicate exclamation, among other usages. ],
la 啦 lā 'be so' [ A grammatical ending particle to indicate exclamation or question. ],
bởi 由 yóu 'because' [ M 由 yóu < MC jəw < OC *ɫu | ¶ y- ~ b-, ect., ex. 郵 yóu: SV bưu (postal), 柚 yóu: VS bưởi (pomela), 游 yóu: VS bơi (swim), etc. ],
bởivì 由於 yóuyú 'because' [ Also, VS 'dovì' ],
vìlà 爲了 wèilē 'because' (SV viliễu) [ Also, 'bởilẽ' | M 爲了 wèile \ ¶ 了 lē ~ là ],
vì 爲 wèi 'for' (SV vị),
gì 啥 shà 'what' (SV xá) [ Also, VS 'sao' (why), cf. Beijing: 啥 shă | phonetic stem M 舍 shè < MC ʂia < OC ɕia ],
vìsao 爲什麼 wēishěme 'why' (SV vithậpma) [ ® M 爲什麼 wèishěnme \-me <= -aw (-ao) | Dialect: Beijing 為啥 wēishă: VS 'vìsao' ],
lẽra 其實 qíshí 'in reality' (SV kỳthực) [ Also, VS 'thựcra' \ @# M 其實 qíshí \ ¶ q- ~ l-, sh- ~ r- ],

mựa 莫 mò 'do not' (SV mạc),
chỉn 盡 jǐn 'only' (SV tận) [ modern VS 'chỉ' ],
bui 維 wéi 'only' (SV duy),
liễn 連 lián 'even' (SV liên) [ modern VS 'lẫn' ],

Besides being directly originated from equivalent Chinese cognates of closest variants such as 'vì' 爲 wèi 'for' (SV vị), 'trong' 中 zhōng 'inside' (SV trung), many of those words happen to be extended usage of Sino-Vietnamese origin, such as 在 zài 'in' (SV tại), được 得 dé (gramatically positive passive voice marker) vs. bị 被 bèi (passive voice marker), tốt 德 dé (SV đức) 'good', 當 dāng 'is being' (SV đang), which is put into usage as grammatical function words. All the aforementioned derivatives are just a tiny potion of the massive Sino-Vietnamese vocabulary existing in the Vietnamese language, including other abstract concepts and general terms. In other words, except for the extended usage in Vietnamese must be diachronically the same in Vietnamese as that of Chinese, the evolution of those words must have gone the same route as that of the Chinese language.

B) Sino-Vietnamese words revisited

In general, with regards to Sino-Vietnamese words other than those of Sinitic in the basic sphere, pick up almost any word in a Vietnamese paragraph, or even in a short sentence for that matter, chances are that it could be the one. Practically, just say a word and you will probably get one, at least an older form of Sino-Vietnamese. For several words as found within a rather long enough sentence, mostly any of them could not be replaceable by a pautulated equivalent "pure native Vietnamese" words.

The following are samples of Chinese loanwords called HánViệt, or Sino-Vietnamese (SV), dominantly of about 65% of the existing Vietnamese vocabulary stock, which are spelled and pronounced in a special Vietnamese way, which appears to have changed slightly from the 10th century onward as court's Mandarin might be no longer a living language in ancient Annam. These Sino-Vietnamese vocabularies undisputedly havedeep roots in Middle Chinese (MC) -- Bernhard Kagren (MFEA, Bulletin 22. 1954, p. 216) having put it as complete formation rather recently in the end of the Tang Dynasty -- as their phonology fit well into the old Chinese phonological scheme with some twenty initals and three hundred plus syllabic finals. Importantly, their 8 tones match perfectly as well, all mapped knittedly into the old Tang's poetic rhyming rules and tonal matrix schemes as described in ancient phonological rhyming books such as Tangyun or Guangyun, etc. (see NguyễnTài-Cẩn. 1979). Sino-Vietnamese and MIddle Chinese historical linguists should know much better about those rules we are mentioning about. Tang poems are still widely enjoyed in the Vietnamese literary circle. As a matter of fact, many contemporary Vietnamese poets are still composing the Tang-styled stanzas that literally follow strict rules. In comparison, in modern Chinese poetry there is no longer having such commonalities and not may poets except scholars kow how to compose a Tang-styled poem partly because modern Mandarin's tonal system partly is no longer matching that of the Tang's. Besides Sino-Vietnamese, such peculiarities of Tang's sounds are partly reserved in Cantonese as well. That said to explain why their phonological systems are so close.

Like Latin-rooted words in English to most leaners of English, there is no need to be a scholar in Vietnamese to recognize those Sino-Vietnamese lexicons, but it is worthwhile to mention that their sound change patterns mostly fit well in strict phonologically linguistic rules, harmoniously, in their phonological interchanges. At the same time, nonetheless, even though many of them may have matching Sinitic Vietnamese words, many may not follow the same rules of sound changes due to phonetic corruptions caused by dialectal diversion, competency and performance, which has twisted the correspondences leading to the one-to-many relationship. Meanwhile, sole usage of Sino-Vietnamese words currently in active use without modifications are also indispensable in the Vietnamese language.

學 xué ~ học (study),
文 wén ~ văn (literature),
字 zì ~ chữ (word),
詩 shī ~ thi (poetry),
樂 yuè ~ nhạc (music),
練 liàn ~ luyện (practice),
福 fú ~ phước (luck),
公 gōng ~ công (public),
私 sī ~ tư (private),
錢 qián ~ tiền (money),
男 nán ~ nam (male),
女 nǚ ~ nữ (female),
婦女 fùnǚ ~ phụnữ (woman),
青年 qīngnián ~ thanhniên (youth),
祖國 zǔguó ~ tổquốc (nation),
江山 jiāngshān ~ giangsan (country),
家庭 jiātíng ~ giađình (family),

政府 zhèngfǔ ~ chínhphủ (government),
自由 zìyóu ~ tựdo (liberty),
資本 zīběn ~ tưbản (capitalist',
投資 tóuzī ~ đầutư (investment),
經濟 jīngjì ~ kinhtế (economics),
階級 jiējí~ giaicấp (social class),
心理學 xīnlǐxué ~ tâmlýhọc (psychology),
文人 wénrén ~ vănnhân (literati),
學者 xuézhě ~ họcgiả (scholar),
教堂 jiàotáng ~ giáođường (church),
大學 dàxué ~ đạihọc (university),
哲學 zhéxué ~ triếthọc (philosophy),
意識 yìshì ~ ýthức (consciousness),
相對 xiāngduì ~ tươngđối (relative),
絕對 juéduì ~ tuyệtđối (absolute),

再三 zàisān ~ haiba (twice or thrice),
三番兩次 sānfānliăngcì ~ nămlầnbảylượt (so many times),
一而再, 再而三 yī'érzài, zài'érsān ~ mộtrồihai, hairồiba (again and again),
主日 Zhǔrì ~ Chủnhật (Sunday) [ Also, VS 'Chúanhật' (Day of God) ],
周二 zhōu'èr ~ Thứhai ( (In Vietnamese, it is the second day of the week to follow 'Sunday', namely, 'Monday', Chin. 'Tuesday'),
周三 zhōusān ~ Thứba (In Vietnamese, it is the third day of the week to follow 'Monday', namely, 'Tueday', Chin. 'Wedsday'), etc

周年 zhōunián as 'thôinôi' [ the Sinitc Vietnamese word that deviates from the universal 'anniversary' connotation of the SV 'châuniên' literally means 'baby stops using the cradle', which appears to be a corrupted form ceated by the illiterate mass for mispronouncing the literary word correctly not long ago in the ancient time. So far so good for a linguist to grasp but s/he may ask, "How is about the case of 'đầytháng' or 'baby's first month shower'?" It is certainly not the concept of modern Mandarin 滿月 mănyuè (full moon), but the VS 'đầytháng" contextually shifted from the mother's full month, a recovery period considered as very important in Chinese culture up until presently, known as "坐月子 zuòyuèzi" ( (mother's) one-month confinement in childbirth (to recover from giving birth to a child); hence, in Vietnamese 'đầytháng', phonetically plausible, so to speak. Culturally, we can keep dragging on about other etyma such as "birthday" (生日 shēngrì: SV sanhnhật), "age" (歲數 suìshù: VS sốtuổi), "Year of the Goat" (屬羊 shǔyáng VS tuổidê), "Year of the Rooster" (屬雞 shǔjī: VS tuổigà), and so on so forth; they all go side by side and match each other etymon beautifully. ]

In Chinese, even though virtually each morphemic-syllable, or syllabic-morpheme for that matter, represented by a character in dissyllabic formation can be used independently as a complete word, this class of Sino-Vietnamese vocabularies is considered as dissyllabic words or 'binoms' by Chinese or Japanese specialists. However, in Vietnamese, many of those syllables in the Sino-Vietnamese dissyllabic words are not free to be used on their own. That is to say, they can only appear in one combination or another. Just like those words of Latin or Greek origin in English, e.g., 'sociologist', 'geology', 'librarian', 'intersection', 'missionaries', 'psychology', etc.; in which Chinese equivalents of radicals such as "socio-", 'geo-', "lib-", "inter-", or "psych-", etc., cannot be used in a straight-forward manner plainly as they appear.

Most of the time each of Chinese syllabic-morphemes would have gone through other transformational processes which are not limited to innovation and localization that have them merged into another class of words called "Sinitic-Vietnamese" as we continue on to discuss in the next section.

C) Sinitic-Vietnamese words reviewed

Let us wrap up some randomly picked SInitic Vietnamese words.

buồng 房 fáng (room),
đũa 箸 zhú (copsticks),
thìa 匙 chí (spoon),
ăn 唵 ă (eat) [ cf. modern M 吃 chī (eat) ],
uống 飲 yǐn (drink) [ [ cf. modern M 喝 hè (drink) ],
đái 尿 niào (urinate),
ỉa 屙 ē (to shit) [ Also, VS 'ốm' (ill) ],
đẻ 生 shēng (give birth),
chạy 走 zǒu (run),
đìa 池 chí (pool),
bốmẹ 父母 fùmǔ (parents),
chúbác 叔伯 shūbó (uncles),
chịem 姊妹 jiěmēi (sisters),
anhchị 兄姐 xiōngjiě (siblings),
anhem 兄弟 xiōngdì (brothers) [ ancient Vietnamese 'anhtam' ],
cậumợ 舅母 jìumǔ, (uncle and aunty),
buồngngủ 臥房 wòfáng (room),
bưngbít 矇蔽 méngbỉ (hoodwink),
bênhvực 包庇 bāobì (take side),
ngànhnghề 行業 hángyè (profession),
trướctiên 首先 shǒuqiān (firstly),
thươngyêu 疼愛 téngài (loving),
dandíu 有染 yǒurăn (have an affair with),
thùhằn 仇恨 chóuhèn (hatred),
tứcgiận 生氣 shēngqì (anger),
chờđợi 期待 qídài (expecting),
sânkhấu 劇場 jùchăng (stage),
trườnghọc 學堂 xuétáng (school),
tầmbậy 三八 sānbā (non-sense),
nóixàm 瞎說 xiàshuo (talk non-sense),
giôngbão 暴風 băofēng (rainstorm),
đấtđai 土地 tǔdì (land),
chốitừ 推辭 tuìcí (refuse),
rútlui 退走 tuìzǒu (withdraw),
lẽsống 理想 líxiăng (ideal),
căngthẳng 緊張 jǐnzhāng (urgent),
riêngtư 隱私 yǐnsī (privacy),
chửimắng 咒罵 zhòumà (scolding),
trongsạch 清潔 qīngjié (clear and clean),
banngày 白日 báirì (morning time),
bantrưa 白晝 báizhòu (noon time),
chạngvạng 旁晚 pángwăn (dusk),
tốităm 黑暗 hēiàn (darkness),
quêhương 家鄉 jiāxiāng (homeland),
lánggiềng 鄰居 línjū (neighbour),
bầubạn 陪伴 péibàn (accompany),
xơitái 吃生 chīshēng (eat raw),
đánhcá 打魚 dăyú (fishing),
đánhbạc 賭博 dǔbó (gambling),
ănthua 輸贏 shūyíng (competing),
suônsẻ 順利 shùnlì (smoothly),
hiếuthảo 孝順 xiàoshùn (filial piety),
sẵnsàng 現成 xiànchéng (ready),
bồihồi 徘徊 páihuái (melancholy),
bắtcóc 綁架 băngjià (kidnap),
hòhẹn 約會 yuèhuì (dating),
tháovác 操持 cāochí (manage),
côngcuộc 工作 gōngzuò (task),
xinlỗi # 道歉 dàoxiàn (apologize),
xinchào 見過 jiànguò (greeting),
tiềncủa 錢財 qiáncái (wealth),
vốnliếng 本錢 běnqián (capital),
đitiền 隨錢 suíqián (give the monetary gift),
cógiá 好價 hăojià (high priced goods),
củacải 財產 cáichăn (property),
đánhcắp 打劫 dăjié (rob),
ngâythơ 幼稚 yōuchī (naive),
khônlanh 靈巧 língqiáo (quick and intelligent),
lanhlợi 伶俐 línglì (witty),

Like Sino-Vietnamese, those Sinitic-Vietnamese words are also Chinese loanwords, as opposed to cognates of basic etyma, but they have been completely "Vietnamized" or localized. Some of them may have an older age than those of Middle Chinese, e.g., VS 'buồngngủ' 臥房 wòfáng (SV ngoạphòng) from which the Sino-Vietnamese vocabulary has been derived, e.g., 臥龍君 Wòlóngjun (Ngoạlongquân, aka, King Lê Long Đỉnh), etc. Many of them are complete variations or modifications of original words which may or may not still carry the same original meanings.

In other cases they are just variants evolved from an original form n all shapes in sight with different spellings and pronunciations as if they have been coined with new materials, e.g., 'lịchsự' 歷事 lìshì (VS to mean 'polite'), 'tửtế' 仔細 zǐxì (VS to mean 'kindness'), and the like. That is, they are somewhat analogical to those examples in English such as "familial" and "familiar" (cf. 慣 guàn for VS 'quen' vs. 'cưng'), "infant" and "infantile" (兒 ér for VS 'nhí' vs. 'nhỏ'), "road" and "route" (路 lù for SV 'lộ' vs. 'lối'). That is, their connotations are similar to those deviates of "coffee" and "café", "blond" and "blondie", "aerospace" and "airspace", "grand" and "grandiose", "entrance" and "entry", "serpent" and "serpentine"; and their pronunciation break down to various versions such as those foreign loanwords, say, "pho", "banhmi", "chowmein", "shusi", "burrito", "taco", "kowtow", "typoon", "kindergarten", "wagon", "vendor", "agent", "bourse", "rendezvous", "accord", "regard", "guard", "résumé", "exposé", "mercy", "pardon", "à la carte", "en masse", and so on.

In fact, many common Vietnamese words of Chinese origin can be extended to a much larger number that will surpass whatever has been quoted in the examples throughout this survey — the long list of those words cited above purposely to give readers an idea of how large magnitude of the Chinese influence is on the Vietnamese vocabulary — than the extent of those basic words in the Vietnamese linguistic substrata, inclusing those fundamental Sino-Tibetan cognates that amount to more than 400 items as cited in the previous chapter. Except for later loanwords, a fair amount of commonly fundamental words could have either originated or evolved from the same roots, supposedly those of the aboriginal Taic or commonly known as descents of the native Yue (百越 or BáchViệt – see Lacouperie. Ibid. 1887), with those of Chinese. They are native or aboriginal words that have been identified as coming from non-Han languages used by non-Han speakers in areas of China South who have been classified as speakers of Austroasiatic languages as currently referred to by Indo-European linguists. Vietnamese versions of many of those indigenous forms are as follows:

sông 江 jiāng ‘river’,
ná 弩 nú 'crossbow' [ cf. 拏 ná like 拿 ná (SV nã) VS 'lấy') ],
đường 糖 táng ‘sugar’,
dừa 椰 yě ‘coconut’,
chuối 蕉 jiāo ‘banana’,
soài 檨 shē 'mango',
bưởi 柚 yóu 'pamelo',
chanh 橙 chéng 'lemon' [ cf. modern Mandarin: 檸檬 níngméng < Eng. 'lemon', 橙 chéng is to denote a kind of citrus or 'camsành' in Sinitic-Vietnamese. ],
trầu 檳榔 bīngláng 'betel areca' [ Note the interchange between modern pinyin for Mandarin/bīngl-/ and ancient Viet-Chamic /bl-/ for Vietnamese /tr-/ ] ,
mít 波羅蜜 pōlómì 'jackfruit',
sầuriêng 榴蓮 líulián ‘durian’, etc.

along with many others such as 'lúa' 來 lái (paddy) ~ 稻 dào 'gạo' (rice), 'chó' 狗 gǒu (dog), 'cọp' 虎 hǔ (tiger), 'voi' 為 wēi (elephant), 'gấu' 熊 xiōng (bear), etc. as have been quoted in the previous chapter.

In any case, the list can go on and is inexhaustible, not just limited to those cited examples above. The main point to be made here is nobody can do the same analysis with any of the Mon-Khmer languages, not to mention other peculiar linguistic traits that both languages share in the realms of morphology, phonetics, tones, as well as metaphorical idioms, linguistically distinctive expressions, share much of their grammar, including classifiers and grammatical markers and prepositions and conjunctions, and any other linguistic minuteness. None of any Mon-Khmer languages (except for some characteristics that Miao dialects have in common if they are classified as Mon-Khmer languages as Forrest did) has any slight traits or suggestions of such linguistic distinctiveness.

(M) Suppression of Vietnamese culture

When the Ming invaded; all classical Vietnamese printing blocks, books and materials were burned and suppressed. Vietnamese records like gazettes, maps, and registers were instructed to be burned, saved for one copy.

This policy was strictly enforced by Yongle emperor. His command to the army in Vietnam in July 1406 is as follow:

兵入。除釋道經板經文不燬。外一切書板文字以至俚俗童蒙所習。如上大人丘乙已之類。片紙隻字悉皆燬之。其境內中國所立碑刻則存之。但是安南所立者悉壞之。一字不存。

"Once our army enter Annam (Vietnam currenly), except Buddhist and Taoist text; all books and notes, including folklore and children book, should be burnt. The stelas erected by China should be protected carefully, while those erected by Annamese (Vietnamese currently), should be completely annihilated, do not spare even one character."

Yongle's command on 21 May 1407 read:

"I have repeatedly told you all to burn all Annamese books, including folklore and children books and the local stelas should be destroyed immediately upon sight. Recently I heard our soldiers hesitated and read those books before burning them. Most soldiers do not know how to read, if this policy is adapted widely, it will be a waste of our time. Now you have to strictly obey my previous command, and burn all local books upon sight, without hesitation."

For this reason almost no vernacular chữ nôm texts survive from before the Ming invasion. Various ancient sites such as pagoda Bao Minh were looted and destroyed. The Ming dynasty applied various Sinicization policies to spread more Chinese culture in the occupied nation.

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fourth_Chinese_domination_of_Vietnam

(T) Read more at The case of "chết"

ā ē ě ī ǐ ă ō ǒ ū ǔ ǖ ǘ ǚ ǜ ü û ɔ ɑ ɪ ɛ ɤ ə¯ ŋ ɯ ɪ ʔ ʃ ö ä ü ɐ ɒ æ χ ɓ ɗ ɖ ɱ ʿ ʾ θ ñ ŕ ţ ť tś ı ć ¢ ď Ā ź dź ƫ ć ń ç ď ş ŗ ż ſ ņ ʷ ɲ ʈ ɫ ɬ ʈ ƫ ʐ ɣ Ś ¯¯ ¯ ˉ ɬ ʈ ƫ ʐ ɣ Ś – ¯¯ ¯ ˉ – - Ø ¹ ̯ ̯ i̯ ¶ ± •iy•ɨʉ•ɯu•ɪʏ•ɪ̈ʊ̈•ɯ̽ʊ•eø•ɘɵ•ɤo•e̞ø̞ ə•ɤ̞o̞•ɛœ• ɜ ɞ•ʌɔ•æ ɐ•aɶ•äɒ̈•ɑɒ

Chinese basic words

Sino-Vietnamese words revisited

Sinitic-Vietnamese words reviewed

Wordlists of

Mon-Khmer roots

Tai-Kadai roots

Old Chinese roots

Chinese-Vietnamese basic cognates

Vietnamese Chinese What Makes Chinese so Vietnamese?